This paper reports on a reflexive exercise contributing a meta-mapping of typologies of GCE and supplementary analysis of that mapping. Applying a heuristic of three main discursive orientations reflected in much of the literature on GCEneoliberal, liberal, and criticaland their interfaces, we created a social cartography of how nine journal articles categorise GCE. We found the greatest confluence within the neoliberal, greatest number within the liberal, and a conflation of different 'types' of GCE within the critical orientation. We identified interfaces between neoliberal-liberal and liberal-critical orientations as well as new interfaces: neoconservative-neoliberal-liberal, criticalliberal-neoliberal, and critical-post critical. Despite considerable diversity of GCE orientations, we argue GCE typologies remain largely framed by a limited range of possibilities, particularly when considered as implicated in the modern-colonial imaginary. In a gesture toward expanding future possibilities for GCE, we propose a new set of distinctions between methodological, epistemological, and ontological levels.

There is a great deal of debate, especially among political theorists, about whether or not there is/can be such a thing as a 'global citizen' (e.g. Byers 2005, Wood 2008). Education is one field wherein the notion of global citizenship has been used quite seriously. This may be because while a major challenge to the notion of global citizenship is the question of 'who is the global citizen if there is no global state/political structure?' 1 , in the case of education, there is a particular structure: state-run schooling, and subject: student, so that the citizen-subject is student. The concept of the student as a 'citizen in the making' corresponds with the sense of 'cultivating' a new concept of citizenship that is global in orientation. This paper engages with a selection of scholarly writing in English that was published in the last decade and written from particular liberal democratic contexts (predominantly the U.K., the U.S.A., and Canada 2). The selected literature diagnoses the need for a more complex theory of citizenship education and theorizes schooling for citizenship in a global orientation. I analyze the literature to call for more explicit attention to the assumptions about the citizen subject student, the 'who' of global citizenship education. In the contemporary context of education theory, citizenship education is looked to both as key to improving on the social function of schooling and as implicated in a perceived dissatisfaction with (if not an all-out crisis) in democratic schooling. At the same time, the prevalence of a 1 See for example, Richardson (2008) who identifies a major obstacle to global citizenship education: "the concept of global citizenship education has, as yet, developed neither the political structures that typically ground citizenship in regularized and generally understood civic practices, nor has it, to date, provided a powerful emotive bond comparable to the "imagined nation" (Anderson, 1991) upon which citizenship is based" (Richardson 2008, 56) 2 Some authors are specific regarding the context about which they are writing (for example, writers such as Nussbaum, Waltzer, and McIntosh are writing about a U.S. context while Golmohamad uses British examples) and Pike refers to examples from Canada, the U. K., Europe and Western democracies more generally. Others write about a more general 'democratic schooling' and 'citizenship education' (for example Papastephanou draws on Western philosophical traditions and contemporary Western theorists but does not address particular national contexts).

She earned her PhD at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education where she coordinated and instructed the Global Citizenship and Sustainable Development cohort in the initial teacher education program (secondary panel).

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Concerned about the limits of normative deliberative pedagogies, we designed and organized a workshop to explore to possibilities of an agonistic pedagogy for global citizenship education. We brought together a range of participants including national and international primary and university students, researchers and curriculum developers and we created pedagogical activities in which disagreement was fostered. We aimed to normalize conflict, create channels for the expression of political emotions and generate opportunities for the emergence of new subjectivities. Our findings suggest that the plurality of participants and the conflict-orientated pedagogies facilitated the normalization of conflict, the participants’ affective engagement with Others and the creation of new subjectivities. They also indicate that older participants had less positive attitudes towards conflict-orientated pedagogies and discussions on abstract topics did not foster ‘affective’ engagement. We examine potential implications for further educational research and practice considering the singularities of this project.