No abstract

The present study explored the influence of a new metrics of phonotactics on adults' use of transitional probabilities to segment artificial languages. We exposed French native adults to continuous streams of trisyllabic nonsense words. High-frequency words had either high or low congruence with French phonotactics, in the sense that their syllables had either high or low positional frequency in French trisyllabic words. At test, participants heard lowfrequency words and part-words, which differed in their transitional probabilities (high for words, low for partwords) but were matched for frequency and phonotactic congruency. Participants' preference for words over partwords was found only in the high-congruence languages. These results establish that subtle phonotactic manipulations can influence adults' use of transitional probabilities to segment speech and unambiguously demonstrate that this prior knowledge interferes directly with segmentation processes, in addition to affecting subsequent lexical decisions. Implications for a hierarchical theory of segmentation cues are discussed.

Six experiments explored Parisian French-learning infants' ability to segment bisyllabic words from fluent speech. The first goal was to assess whether bisyllabic word segmentation emerges later in infants acquiring European French compared to other languages. The second goal was to determine whether infants learning different dialects of the same language have partly different segmentation abilities, and whether segmenting a non-native dialect has a cost. Infants were tested on standard European or Canadian French stimuli, in the word-passage or passage-word order. Our study first establishes an early onset of segmentation abilities: Parisian infants segment bisyllabic words at age 0;8 in the passage-word order only (revealing a robust order of presentation effect). Second, it shows that there are differences in segmentation abilities across Parisian and Canadian French infants, and that there is a cost for cross-dialect segmentation for Parisian infants. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding word segmentation processes.