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Can transgovernmental networks facilitate democratization in third countries? If so, to what extent and under what conditions can they impact states' behaviour? Earlier works demonstrate that transgovernmental professional networks set by the European Union can shape attitudes of officials towards democracy in third countries. However, it remains unclear whether they change their behaviour, too; nor do we have an understanding of how long these changes last. Using the time-series cross-sectional analysis and focusing on two policy fields, human rights and public administration in the former Soviet republics, this article demonstrates that transgovernmental networks can stimulate improvements in domestic practices in third countries. At the same time, the results hint that their effects are policy-specific and rather short-lived.

Climate change mitigation and adaptation are among the policy areas covered by the European Union (EU) in trans-governmental cooperation with the neighboring countries. Although this cooperation is open to all

The European Union (EU) has positioned itself as a global climate leader. The EU's engagement with external climate governance is most visible in the six post-Soviet states of Eastern Europe. This article asks what drives the EU's engagement with climate governance in the region. To answer this question, I distinguish between three logics of external climate action: self-interest, functional, and civilizing. By analyzing climate cooperation between the EU and the six states, I demonstrate that a combination of all three logics explains the EU's engagement in external climate governance, but that the functional logic is slightly more prominent than the other two.