This article tries to look at the social aspects of dark comedy used in stand-up comedy. Dark comedy is seen as problematic because it is in a vortex of humor, subjectivity, and the public. To capture and analyze these various phenomena, the authors use socio-anthropological perspective with the play theory from Sastramidjaja’s dissertation (2016) which is complemented by publicness from Sasono’s PhD theses (2019). This research is qualitative, using data collection methods in the form of semi-structured interviews with several main questions which are deepened by still referring to the main questions, especially to know the process of preparing jokes and stand-up comedy performances.This research was conducted in the Stand Up Indo Bekasi community and the Stand Up University Bhayangkara Jaya (UBJ) Bekasi with three comedians who often used dark joke material consisting of Bilal (Muslim), Ahmad (Muslim), and James (son of a Christian priest). This paper reveals the finding that dark comedy does not only come from the comedians, but also involves the public sphere as a form of grievances. The authors see that dark comedy is born from concerns that include comedian subjectivity in viewing various symbols – including religious symbols or those related to religion, reversing them, and contextualizing them in an incongruity.
Berbagai kajian yang dilakukan terhadap dakwah masih didominasi oleh dakwah dalam bentuk lisan maupun tulisan. Penggunaan media atau suatu tindakan juga sudah memperoleh perhatian sebagai bagian dari dakwah, meski masih belum sebanding dengan dakwah lisan dan tulisan. Artikel ini mengangkat pembangunan fasilitas publik yang dilakukan organisasi Muhammadiyah sebagai bentuk dakwah. Pembangunan fasilitas publik ini kerap dianggap sekadar wujud filantropi. Penulis melihat bahwa pembangunan fasilitas publik adalah bagian dari dakwah yang dilakukan Muhammadiyah. Dengan perspektif komunikasi dari James W. Carey dan komunikasi profetik, proses komunikasi tidak hanya dilihat dalam bentuk lisan, tulisan, atau gestur/tindakan, tetapi juga bentuk lain seperti materi, dalam konteks artikel ini adalah infrastruktur fasilitas publik, yang ditujukan sebagai pengamalan nilai-nilai profetik, termasuk di dalamnya adalah dakwah. Perspektif infrastruktur puitis dari Brian Larkin memungkinkan infrastruktur tidak hanya dilihat dari aspek fungsionalnya saja, tetapi juga aspek politisnya, termasuk nilai-nilai yang dibawa lewat pembangunan infrastruktur. Muhammadiyah dengan nilai Islam modern menerapkan dakwah Islam modern lewat fasilitas publik sesuai kebutuhan masyarakat, pendidikan campuran agama dan sains, dan Kawasan Tanpa Rokok (KTR). [Various studies conducted on da'wah are still dominated by da'wah in oral and written form. The use of media or an action has also received attention as part of da'wah, although it is still not comparable to oral and written da'wah. This article discusses the construction of public facilities by the Muhammadiyah organization as a form of da'wah. The construction of public facilities is often seen as just a form of philanthropy. We see that the construction of public facilities is part of the da'wah carried out by Muhammadiyah. With the communication perspective of James W. Carey and prophetic communication, the communication process is not only seen in the form of spoken, written, or gesture/action, but also other forms such as material, in the context of this article is the infrastructure of public facilities, which are intended as the practice of prophetic values, including da'wah. Brian Larkin's poetic infrastructure perspective allows infrastructure not only to be seen from the functional aspect, but also from the political aspect, including the values brought through infrastructure development. Muhammadiyah with modern Islamic values applies modern Islamic da'wah through public facilities according to community needs, education that is a mixture of religion and science, and Non-Smoking Areas (KTR).]
This article aims to examine the relationship between the state and local religions which underwent major changes after the September 30, 1965 Movement. Local religions experienced marginalization after the 1965 tragedy, ranging from the stigma of atheism to not being recognized as a religion, but a culture that needs to be fostered and even prevented become a new religion. We analyze local state-religion relations from the perspective of James C. Scott's high-modernism and Michel Foucault's governmentality. In our analysis, the state plays a role in this process of marginalization by reproducing a modernity vision that is full of simplification of the complexity of local religions. Through various policies, the state carries out regulations that aim to change adherents of local religions to being good citizens according to the standards set by the state. The recognition given to local religions is very limited and even shows other discriminatory characteristics of the state such as determining monotheism as the standard of a religion, a criterion that is highly biased in the paradigm of world religions. We conclude that the state is not a solution because of the nature of modernity and the simplification it always contains.[Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengamati relasi antara negara dengan agama lokal yang mengalami perubahan besar setelah terjadinya Gerakan 30 September 1965. Agama lokal mengalami marginalisasi setelah tragedi 1965, mulai dari stigma ateisme sampai tidak diakui sebagai agama, melainkan suatu kebudayaan yang perlu dibina dan bahkan dicegah untuk menjadi agama baru. Kami menganalisis relasi negara-agama lokal melalui perspektif high-modernism James C. Scott dan kepengaturan (governmentality) Michel Foucault. Dalam analisis kami, negara berperan dalam proses marginalisasi tersebut dengan mereproduksikan visi modernitas yang penuh simplifikasi terhadap kompleksitas agama lokal. Melalui berbagai kebijakan, negara melakukan kepengaturan yang bertujuan untuk mengubah penganut agama lokal menjadi subjek warga negara yang baik sesuai dengan standar yang telah ditetapkan negara. Pengakuan yang diberikan terhadap agama lokal amat terbatas dan bahkan menunjukkan sifat diskriminatif lain dari negara seperti menentukan monoteisme sebagai standar suatu agama, kriteria yang amat bias paradigma agama dunia. Kami menyimpulkan negara bukan solusi karena watak modernitas dan kepengaturan yang selalu dikandungnya.]
<p class="abstrak">The controversy of the Prophet Muhammad's caricature in Charlie Hebdo magazine resulted in Muslim communities’ protests from various parts of the world, including Indonesia. In response to this religious harassment, various steps were taken, including boycotting French products and criticizing secularism, which has been the constitutional principle of French. This article aimed at providing another perspective in viewing the controversy by looking back at the point where this problem began, the caricature of the Prophet Muhammad. This study sees that caricatures are not only inanimate objects, but they also have agency. To be able to see this agency in the particularity of space and time, we rely on semiotic ideology as the theoretical framework. Semiotic ideology is an assumption of signs that see various possibilities in signs, including their materiality. The Charlie Hebdo controversy is a clash of semiotic ideologies formed by the particularity of space and time and manifested in the responses shown in the face of the Charlie Hebdo controversy. In Indonesia, this semiotic ideology was born from political polarization, religious resurgence, and conservative turn. We see that the analysis of icon and materiality still have not really taken any significant part of religious studies and Islamic studies in Indonesia, including in studying the Charlie Hebdo controversy.</p>
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