In this article, I trace how the race-making of people, viruses, and the places they share became a powerful means by which Chinese public health professionals made sense of two major infectious outbreaks that threatened to stall or interrupt China's development: the SARS outbreak of 2003 and the H1N1 influenza pandemic of 2009. By inscribing geographical stability onto infected bodies in motion through the languages of race and genetics, Chinese public health professionals sought to constrain the mobility of infection and, in doing so, to contain the symbolic and material threats to China's modernity and development that flu-like infections, and the people who carried and spread them, had come to represent. While SARS in this imaginary became a BChinese^or BCantonese^disease, H1N1 became a EuroAmerican disease that, when it reached inside China, adhered more easily to those Chinese who did not quite belong. In constructing this imaginary, public health professionals' racialization of certain groups thought to be infectious joined with the racialization of the infections themselves. H1N1 could not easily infect most Chinese because both the virus and its hosts were racially alien.When the H1N1 influenza pandemic began spreading around the world in April 2009, I was nearing the end of a year of ethnographic fieldwork at several local, governmentaffiliated public health institutions in and around Tianmai, China. 1, 2 Tianmai is a large St Comp Int Dev (2015) 50:500-518 1 While readers familiar with China may have little trouble recognizing the city I call Tianmai, I use this pseudonym in the interest of providing some basic protections to my informants, who in other work have disclosed potentially sensitive information that they did not want directly linked to them or their place of work. 2 I conducted participant observation, as well as semi-structured, open-ended, and life history interviews, with over 100 informants at over a dozen government-affiliated public health institutions at the provincial, city, district, and community levels in Tianmai and the nearby city of . By Bgovernment-affiliated^I mean that these institutions were neither arms of the government per se nor were they independent of the government. Rather, they were funded by and overseen by local (municipal, district, and Bstreet^-level) governments while maintaining a quasi-independent status as a Btechnical work unit^(shiye danwei).

Scholars are increasingly responding to calls for interventions to address persistent gender disparities in the sciences. Yet, interventions that emphasize the pervasiveness of bias may inadvertently damage efficacy to confront sexism by creating the perception that bias is immutable. We examined this possibility in the context of a successful bias literacy program, Video Interventions for Diversity in STEM (VIDS; Moss-Racusin et al., in press). In two studies with working adults from the general public (N = 343) and science faculty (N = 149), we modified VIDS by developing a module (UNITE) that offers tools for addressing bias and promotes the mindset that bias is malleable. VIDS alone was sufficient to increase awareness of bias, reduce sexism, and improve bias identification. However, UNITE buffered against perceptions that bias is immutable and restored self-efficacy to address bias. We conclude that interventions must aim not only to increase bias literacy but also offer concrete tools and avoid implying that these problems are insurmountable.

No abstract

Shenzhen, a city located on the border between Mainland China and Hong Kong, is populated primarily by internal Chinese migrants. After the 2003 SARS epidemic, the pressure in Shenzhen to contain infectious disease has been considerable. By engaging with issues of global biosecurity, migration and citizenship, and intersubjectivity in medicine, I argue that in their attempts to prevent another SARS and protect their own subject positions as modern, urban citizens, Shenzhen's public health professionals worked to maintain precarious boundaries between themselves and their city's majority migrant population. However, by establishing the migrants as dangerous, biological noncitizens, by denying connections between the migrants' experiences and their own experiences of migration, by failing to engage with the migrants as subjects, and by defending structures that institutionalized these exclusions, they undermined both the health of the migrants and the stability of the city they were trying to protect.