In all societies, people are concerned with justice.

Throughout history artists, poets, and writers have been interested in the nature of hate. Scientists from a variety of disciplines have also attempted to unravel its mysteries. Yet in spite of abundant theorizing and research, most modern scholars still complain that little is known about this complex emotion. In this study, a new approach has been taken. Following Heider's (1958) observation that scientists can often learn a great deal by exploring people's "common-sense" or "naïve psychologies," students at the University of Texas and participants from a number of Internet sites were interviewed regarding their perceptions of the nature of emotion. Using grounded theory and employing mixedmethod analyses (qualitative and quantitative), four questions were explored: (1) What do people mean by hate? (2) Whom do they hate? (3) Why do people hate the people they do? (4) How do people attempt to deal with such feelings? From participants' answers, a theory concerning everyday hate was generated.

In order to better understand culture's role between perceived equity in one's romantic relationship and relationship satisfaction, we sampled two groups from different cultural backgrounds and attempted to answer the question of whether culture would impact the relationship between equity and relationship satisfaction. We interviewed men and women from the University of Hawai'i (UH), a relatively individualist culture, and from the University of the West Indians in Jamaica (UWI), considered a more collectivistic culture. We had them fill out surveys detailing how equitable they saw their relationship, how important they considered equity to be in their relationship, and how satisfied they were in their relationship. A significant interaction was found between culture and equity in predicting relationship satisfaction. As predicted, in both countries participants considered equity to be of critical importance in romantic relationships. However, men and women in Hawai'i generally considered their relationships to be (slightly) more equitable and far more satisfying than did people in Jamaica. There were also cultural differences in how people reacted to existing inequities. The UH sample was more satisfied in their romantic relationships, especially when the relationship was equitable. However, the UWI sample found their relationships to be most satisfying when they were overbenefitting from their relationships. We posit that the collectivist culture of our UWI participants affected the relationship between equity and relationship satisfaction. Considering the emphasis placed on roles and familial kin support in Jamaica, we can deduce that equity may be of less importance in affecting relationship satisfaction.

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ed.), RACIALIZED MIGRANT WOMEN IN CANADA: ESSAYS ON HEALTH, VIOLENCE AND EQUITY, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009, x' 329 pp., $35.00 (paper).Racialized Migrant Women in Canada represents an excellent contribution to the literature on immigration and gender. Too often the plight of immigrant women is ignored, as scholars defer to more generalized discussions on race and ethnicity. While gender may be discussed within these contexts, the contribution nonetheless fails to cover the scope and complexity necessary to do immigrant women justice. Vijay Agnew's edited volume fills an important void within the immigration discourse, focusing on three key areas: health; violence; and equity. Her introduction provides a crucial overview of the factors that influence these areas, and also provides vital background information within the Canadian context. A key term she notes is racialization, which influences many aspects on the immigration continuum, especially for migrant women. Moreover, she provides a review of immigration policy in Canada, which helps frame the debate for both contributors and readers.The book is divided into three sections: violence; health; and equity. The discourse on violence, immigration and gender is often overlooked, but, as this work demonstrates, its importance cannot be underscored. The contributors to this section outline the difficulties that migrant women encounter as they seek recourse from their abusive relationships. The research demonstrates that migrant women are oftentimes caught within a political vortex that continues to draw them back into the cycle of abuse. Power, threats, social stigma and intimidation all play key roles in migrant women's continued oppression. Indeed, there is an unnerving realization that Canada's immigration system is also at fault, protecting the sponsor at the expense of the sponsored.The second section focuses on migrant women's access to healthcare, focusing specifically on determinants of health, policy implications, elder migrants' access to care, and the use of social capital. The authors seem to be in agreement regarding the lack of supports available to migrant women and the influence that the absence of these supports has on health outcomes. Unfortunately, the chapters fail to discuss in detail the supports that do exist, as well as the contribution that service provider organizations play in supporting migrant women. Too often scholars focus on government intervention at the expense of the nongovernment sector. Moreover, this section's focus is on migrant women's experiences in larger centers, where waitlists for services can be quite lengthy. Therefore, it is important to recognize that many migrant women have ready access to supports in smaller centers, and these areas are not to be painted with the same broad brushstroke as their larger counterparts.The third section, equity, deviates somewhat from the overall intent of the book. While the focus remains on the experiences of migrant women, these chapters tend to focus more on traditio...