In a time when racial prejudice is generally taboo and decision makers, including law enforcement officials, strenuously disavow the use of group-based stereotypes to make judgments that affect others, one might expect discriminatory outcomes to be unusual. However, research repeatedly indicates that discrimination is pervasive across many domains, and specifically in policing. A major cause of biased policing is likely the implicit biases that operate outside of conscious awareness and control but nevertheless inf luence our behaviors. Implicit biases (e.g., stereotypes linking Blacks with crime or with related traits like violence or hostility) inf luence judgments through processes of misattribution and disambiguation. Although psychological science gives us good insight into the causes of racially biased policing, there are as yet no known, straightforward, effective intervention programs. Nevertheless, there are several strands of research that represent promising avenues for further exploration, including intergroup contact, exposure to counter-stereotypic exemplars, and stereotype negation. Meanwhile, many police departments are adjusting their policies, trainings, and procedures to try to address biased policing and community complaints. Several common themes among those changes include banning racial profiling, collecting data, training officers, reducing discretion, and adopting new technologies. These adjustments are more likely to be successful if they incorporate the understanding that biased policing occurs in the absence of explicitly "racist" thoughts because of well-documented, pernicious stereotypes that operate largely outside of conscious awareness and control.

This article explores psychological science on race bias and its implications in several domains of public policy, with special attention paid to biased policing as an illustrative example. Race bias arises from normal mental processes, many outside our conscious awareness and control. This research directly applies to public policy, especially where concerned with regulating behavior and managing uncertainty. Research links both implicit and explicit racial bias to behavior, and uncertainty exacerbates the influence of bias in decision-making. Sample policy domains—where psychological research, race bias, and public policy intersect—include education, employment, immigration, health care, politics/representation, and criminal justice. Psychological research informs policy by documenting causes and processes, by expert testimony in court, and by generating and evaluating interventions to reduce race bias.

During a 29-year period studied by a government task force, 10 off-duty police officers were found to have been mistaken for civilians and fatally shot by another police officer. Eight of these officers were Black, one was Hispanic, and one was White. Given that at least 75% of U.S. police officers in this period were White, we estimate that there is a roughly one in one million chance that this disparity reflects a random deviation from a condition in which Black and White officers faced the same risk of being fatally shot by another officer while off duty. Estimates of the magnitude of this racial disparity must be interpreted cautiously, but the increased risk faced by Black officers while off duty compared to their White counterparts appears to be even larger than the racial disparity among civilians killed by police officers. The disparity is much less pronounced in mistaken-identity fatal shootings of on-duty officers, of which two were Black, one was Hispanic, and 12 were White. These incidents are rare, but they comprise an important subset of all police interactions because they are known errors that involve a misperception of threat, and because the differential patterns of racial disparities suggest that there are situational factors that vary systematically and contribute to the observed outcomes. We examine fatal, mistaken identity police-on-police shootings and explore potential explanations for the dramatic racial disparity among officers killed while off duty.Unwarranted fatal shootings by police are rare occurrences, but they are devastating to the affected victims, families, communities, officers, and departments.

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Methadone is administered as a racemic mixture, although its analgesic and respiratory effects are attributed to R-isomer activity at the mu-opioid receptor (MOP). Recently, we observed a fourfold increase in inspiratory time in three-day old guinea pigs following an injection of racemic methadone. We hypothesized that this effect was due to augmentation of R-methadone induced respiratory depression by the S-methadone isomer. In the current longitudinal study, we injected three-, seven-, and fourteen-day old neonatal guinea pigs with saline, R-methadone, S-methadone, or R-plus S-methadone in order to characterize the roles of the individual isomers, as well as the synergistic effects of co-administration. Using plethysmography, we measured respiratory parameters while breathing room air and during a 5% CO 2 challenge. S-methadone alone had no respiratory effects. However, the R-plus S-methadone group showed greater respiratory depression and increased inspiratory time than the R-methadone group in the youngest animals, suggesting that the respiratory effects of R-methadone are augmented by S-methadone in early development.