The existence of morpheme-specific markedness constraints has been debated in Optimality Theoretic work on both templatic morphology and exceptions to phonological generalizations. Generalized Template Theory (GTT; McCarthy and Prince 1995) argues that morphemes that impose prosodic templates on outputs should be accounted for by the interaction of morpheme-specific faithfulness constraints and general markedness constraints, rather than by template-enforcing markedness constraints indexed to specific morphemes (e.g. RED=FOOT), as had previously been assumed. GTT therefore claims that no markedness constraints are morpheme-specific. More recently, the indexed constraint theory of lexical exceptions has revived the possibility of morpheme-specific markedness constraints. This theory argues that constraints can be indexed to exceptional lexical items (Fukuzawa 1999; Mester 1999, 2001;Pater 2000Pater , 2006; some proposals claim that indexed (i.e. morpheme-specific) markedness constraints are needed to account

For any phonotactic restriction on syllable onsets and codas, it can be shown that parallel restrictions are attested at edges of each higher prosodic domain. Onsets can be required at the beginnings of syllables, words, or utterances; codas can be banned at the ends of any of these constituents; and so on. This paper argues that these restrictions follow from constraint schemata: any markedness constraint on syllable onsets or codas (M Ons or M Coda ) is part of a family of constraints (M Ons (Onset/PCat) or M Coda (Coda/PCat)) imposing parallel restrictions on initial onsets or final codas of each prosodic domain. These prosodic domain-edge markedness constraints can induce epenthesis, deletion, or other segmental changes at domain edges; they can also shape words' prosodic structures.