The last decade has witnessed the proliferation of socio-environmental conflicts across Chile, characterized by the resistance of local communities against extractive and industrial projects. Increasingly, these conflicts have revealed the multiple injustices experienced by communities living in sacrifice zones. A sacrifice zone can be defined as a segregated place where the quality of life of its communities is compromised in the name of progress and capital accumulation. By focusing on socio-environmental struggles taking place in Quintero-Puchuncaví Bay, Coronel Bay, and Hualpén-Talcahuano Bay, three highly polluted and industrialized areas in Chile, this article explores the views and practices developed by grassroots activists in their quest for resisting and moving beyond the capitalist and extractivist model of development. By conducting a thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with 32 socio-environmental activists, this qualitative study provides a detailed account of how they understand a sacrifice zone and resist in these areas. Furthermore, it describes alternatives to capitalist and extractivist development envisioned and enacted by grassroots movements, expanding on the notions of territorial sovereignty and “buen vivir”.

This article discusses the relevance of militant ethnography as a collaborative and politically engaged form of knowledge production for the study of Latin American social movements. Drawing on my militant ethnographic research with four autonomous groups from Chile and Mexico, the article presents a reflective account of my experience as a militant researcher throughout the different stages of the inquiry. More specifically, I describe the ethical and methodological procedures carried out in the field and their importance in fostering collaboration and horizontality. Furthermore, I discuss the challenges of conducting militant ethnography within Latin American autonomous movements whilst pursuing doctoral studies in a European university and an English-speaking country. Finally, by acknowledging the tensions resulting from my multiple and entangled roles, I suggest an alternative route to militant research that challenges the temporalities and spatialities of traditional research designs and proposes an ongoing process of collaboration and solidarity in the post-fieldwork stage.

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The Chilean province of Concepción was little prepared for the impact of the earthquake and subsequent tsunami that took place on February 27, 2010. Because of the destruction of roads and bridges, the power outage, and ineffective communication, each neighborhood was essentially left to fend for itself with virtually no assistance from local and provincial authorities. Within the first 24 hours, panic hit, with stores being looted and local politicians calling for a military presence, and neighbors joined together to protect their property from looting gangs, even in the poorest neighborhoods. Most of these committees were not based on the traditional neighborhood councils that had emerged since the return to electoral democracy in 1990. In the emergency camps established by families that had lost their houses, the new leaders established a more autonomous and horizontal leadership style in their search for decent living conditions and a definitive housing solution. At first glance, these new leaders appear to be a return to the autonomous popular organizations that emerged during the dictatorship but were demobilized under electoral democracy. Ironically, the earthquake and the new center-right government seem to have offered a political opportunity for the reemergence of a more autonomous civil society. La provincia chilena de Concepción estuvo poco preparada por el impacto del terremoto y el posterior tsunami que ocurrió el 27 de febrero de 2010. Debido a la destrucción de caminos y puentes, el apagón, y la comunicación ineficaz, cada barrio fue esencialmente librado a su suerte prácticamente sin asistencia de las autoridades locales y provinciales. Dentro de las primeras 24 horas cundió el pánico, con saqueos de las tiendas y llamados de los políticos locales por una presencia militar, y vecinos juntándose para proteger su propiedad de las bandas de saqueo, aún en los barrios más pobres. La mayoría de estos comités no estaban basados en los tradicionales consejos barriales que habían surgido desde el retorno de la democracia electoral en 1990. En los campamentos de emergencia establecidos por las familias que habían perdido sus casas, nuevos líderes crearon un estilo de liderazgo más autónomo y horizontal en la búsqueda de condiciones decentes de vida y una solución definitiva sobre la vivienda. A primera vista, estos nuevos líderes parecen representar un retorno a las organizaciones autónomas populares que surgieron durante la dictadura pero que fueron desmovilizados bajo la democracia electoral. Irónicamente, el terremoto y el nuevo gobierno de centro-derecha parecen haber brindado una oportunidad política para la reemergencia de una sociedad civil más autónoma.

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