This study examines the Impact of Mutual Health Insurance on Access and Quality of Health Care for the Rural Poor in Northern Ghana. The practical interest in Mutual Health Insurance is occasioned by the fact that many developing countries including Ghana are exploring new and innovative ways of dealing with the difficult issues of health care financing and access to health care especially for the rural poor. Using household surveys and focus group discussions, the study establishes that Mutual Health Insurance improves the poor access to health care as the insured use nearly 3 times of health facilities more than the uninsured. The insured equally pay relatively lower out-of-pocket fees than the uninsured at the point of demanding health care. Households with higher incomes generally enrol in health insurance while the poorest segment of the community risk being excluded because they cannot afford the insurance premiums. It is recommended that since the flat rate nature of insurance premiums is what prevents majority of households from enrolling in health insurance, the premiums could be made more flexible for the rural poor.
Provider payment reforms, such as capitation, are very contentious. Such reforms can drop off the policy agenda due to political and contextual resistance. Using the Shiffman and Smith (Generation of political priority for global health initiatives: a framework and case study of maternal mortality. Lancet 2007; 370 1370–9) framework, this study explains why Ghana’s National Health Insurance capitation payment policy that rose onto the policy agenda in 2012, dropped off the agenda in 2017 during its pilot implementation in the Ashanti region. We conducted a retrospective qualitative policy analysis by collecting field data in December 2019 in the Ashanti region through 18 interviews with regional and district level policy actors and four focus group discussions with community-level policy beneficiaries. The thematically analysed field data were triangulated with media reports on the policy. We discovered that technically framing capitation as a cost-containment strategy with less attention on portraying its health benefits resulted in a politically negative reframing of the policy as a strategy to punish fraudulent providers and opposition party electorates. At the level of policy actors, pilot implementation was constrained by a regional level anti-policy community, weak civil society mobilization and low trust in the then political leadership. Anti-policy campaigners drew on highly contentious and poorly implemented characteristics of the policy to demand cancellation of the policy. A change in government in 2017 created the needed political window for the suspension of the policy. While it was technically justified to pilot the policy in the stronghold of the main opposition party, this decision carried political risks. Other low- and middle-income countries considering capitation reforms should note that piloting potentially controversial policies such as capitation within a politically sensitive location can attract unanticipated partisan political interest in the policy. Such partisan interest can potentially lead to a decline in political attention for the policy in the event of a change in government.
This study investigates the determinants of household participation in National HealthInsurance Scheme (NHIS) in the Kassena-Nankana District
Background Bypassing primary health care (PHC) facilities for maternal health care is an increasing phenomenon. In Ghana, however, there is a dearth of systematic evidence on bypassing PHC facilities for maternal healthcare. This study investigated the prevalence of bypassing PHC facilities for maternal healthcare, and the socio-economic factors and financial costs associated with bypassing PHC facilities within two municipalities in Northwestern Ghana. Methods A quantitative cross-sectional design was implemented between December 2019 and March 2020. Multistage stratified sampling was used to select 385 mothers receiving postnatal care in health facilities for a survey. Using STATA 12 software, bivariate analysis with chi-square test and binary logistic regression models were run to determine the socio-economic and demographic factors associated with bypassing PHC facilities. The two-sample independent group t-test was used to estimate the mean differences in healthcare costs of those who bypassed their PHC facilities and those who did not. Results The results revealed the prevalence of bypassing PHC facilities as 19.35 % for antenatal care, 33.33 % for delivery, and 38.44 % for postnatal care. The municipality of residence, ethnicity, tertiary education, pregnancy complications, means of transport, nature of the residential location, days after childbirth, age, and income were statistically significantly (p < 0.05) associated with bypassing PHC facilities for various maternal care services. Compared to the non-bypassers, the bypassers incurred a statistically significantly (P < 0.001) higher mean extra financial cost of GH₵112.09 (US$19.73) for delivery, GH₵44.61 (US$7.85) for postnatal care and ₵43.34 (US$7.65) for antenatal care. This average extra expenditure was incurred on transportation, feeding, accommodation, medicine, and other non-receipted expenses. Conclusions The study found evidence of bypassing PHC facilities for maternal healthcare. Addressing this phenomenon of bypassing and its associated cost, will require effective policy reforms aimed at strengthening the service delivery capacities of PHC facilities. We recommend that the Ministry of Health and Ghana Health Service should embark on stakeholder engagement and sensitization campaigns on the financial consequences of bypassing PHC facilities for maternal health care. Future research, outside healthcare facility settings, is also required to understand the specific supply-side factors influencing bypassing of PHC facilities for maternal healthcare within the study area.
Background The Sustainable Development Goal Three has prioritised reducing maternal, under-5 and neonatal mortalities as core global health policy objectives. The place, where expectant mothers choose to deliver their babies has a direct effect on maternal health outcomes. In sub-Saharan Africa, existing literature has shown that some women attend antenatal care during pregnancy but choose to deliver their babies at home. Using the Andersen and Newman Behavioural Model, this study explored the institutional and socio-cultural factors motivating women to deliver at home after attending antenatal care. Methods A qualitative, exploratory, cross-sectional design was deployed. Data were collected from a purposive sample of 23 women, who attended antenatal care during pregnancy but delivered their babies at home, 10 health workers and 17 other community-level stakeholders. The data were collected through semi-structured interviews, which were audio-recorded, transcribed and thematically analysed. Results In line with the Andersen and Newman Model, the study discovered that traditional and religious belief systems about marital fidelity and the role of the gods in childbirth, myths about consequences of facility-based delivery, illiteracy, and weak women’s autonomy in healthcare decision-making, predisposed women to home delivery. Home delivery was also enabled by inadequate midwives at health facilities, the unfriendly attitude of health workers, hidden charges for facility-based delivery, and long distances to healthcare facilities. The fear of caesarean section, also created the need for women who attended antenatal care to deliver at home. Conclusion The study has established that socio-cultural and institutional level factors influenced women’s decisions to deliver at home. We recommend a general improvement in the service delivery capacity of health facilities, and the implementation of collaborative educational and women empowerment programmes by stakeholders, to strengthen women’s autonomy and reshape existing traditional and religious beliefs facilitating home delivery.
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