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This study offers an analysis of the linkage between farmers-herders’ conflict and the goal two of the sustainable development goal in Benue State of Nigeria. The sustainable development goal which is a global movement addresses a number of issues one of which is zero hunger. However, the farmers-herders’ conflict has increasingly made the actualization of zero hunger difficult. With the use of secondary sources of data, this paper examines the negative experiences of farmers-herder’s conflict in Benue State and the challenges of coping with the conflict despite the existence of an anti-open grazing law. Theory of Eco-violence was adopted as the theory underpinning this study. This study which was content analyzed argued that food security is a critical aspect of society and all hands must be on deck to wrestle with whatever constitutes a threat to it. This study found that the goal two of the sustainable development goal, which centers on zero hunger, has not been achieved due to the lingering killings of farmers despite government’s response in the area of promulgating an anti-open grazing law in the State. The study also found that the effects of the conflict to lives and livelihood are enormous. The recommendations proffered by this study includes the adoption of a pragmatic, proactive and collaborative approach by government at all levels and the governed in the fight between farmers and herders as this will help to achieve a long-lasting reconciliatory solution between the two main parties involved in the conflict.

This paper explores the relationship between leadership and natural resource management and the persistence of oil-related conflicts in Nigeria’s Niger Delta. It adopts the process theoretical approach to leadership. The key argument is that the space for conversations between leaders and the people of the Niger Delta in the management of oil resources has been historically restrictive in favour of leaders. This accounts for the highly skewed oil ownership and distributive structures that undermine the security needs of the people. Yet, the destructive consenting behaviour of the people shapes peacebuilding process and outcomes in ways that reinforce structures of insecurity and violence in the region.

This article explores the nature and patterns of Chinese-Nigeria trade relations between 1999 and 2019 through the theoretical prism of leadership. The period 1999-2019 captures the rising trends in investments and trade relations between China and Nigeria and the latter’s efforts at liberal democratization. It raises questions about how the nature of the leadership process conditions economic developments and as well shapes the nature of trade and investments between both countries. Although the article is not necessarily comparative, it demonstrates how the contrasting character of the internal leadership process throws up inclusivity, accountability, productivity and development in China, and exclusion, opportunistic behaviour and underdevelopment in Nigeria. The article thus argues that leadership is dialectically connected to the political economy of development and trade in both China and Nigeria. Drawing on historical and statistical data relating to Chinese Foreign Direct Investments, aid/loans to Nigeria and Chinese-Nigeria trade patterns, it explains that economic relations between both countries are characterized by unequal exchanges in favour of the Chinese state. The major contention of the article is that while Nigeria does benefit from Chinese trade, loans and investments in terms of job opportunities and infrastructural developments, such benefits further deepen Nigeria’s underdevelopment and dependence on China as a result of the extractive behaviour of Nigeria’s political leaders. Nevertheless, a better developmental outcome is possible in Nigeria through transformational leadership that leads to profound changes in policies, institutions and values of accountability.

More than five United States administrations have employed unilateral and multilateral sanctions on North Korea; the same tool of coercion exerted on Iran, yet all efforts to record a successful nuclear deal with North Korea has proved abortive till date. This article seeks to address a key question: How do United States sanctions influence the behavior of North Korea towards nuclear disarmament? The aim is to analyze sanctions effectiveness with particular reference to the role of the United States in the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. The theory adopted was political realism, which argues that power and coercion are major instruments for achieving state’s national interests. This article relied on secondary data which were analyzed through content analysis. The finding of the article suggests that United States sanctions have limited impact on the behavior of North Korea as the Supreme leader of North Korea continues with the aggressive behavior of six nuclear testing between 2006 to November, 2017. The key factor that undermines the effectiveness of the United States sanctions includes lack of credibility and relative menace in US use of coercion over North Korea, lack of airtight implementation of sanctions on North Korea, Plurality of objectives and the indoctrination of North Korea Juche Ideology. The study concludes that the United States ultimate goal of complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearization (CVID) in Korean Peninsula is an inconsistent policy objective of various US administrations which conflicts with North Korea’s national interest. This article recommends setting up eagle-eyed monitoring committees to keep track on sanctions implementations protocols within United States ranks and member states of United Nations with the aim of tightening loopholes militating airtight execution of agreed sanctions.