Classed forms of placed personhood increasingly compel future-orientated and self-regulating subjects that 'fit' into contemporary economic and social formation. These forms of personhood, spoken of as moral character and behavioural 'traits', are increasingly attached to placed parenthood: as that which (self)locates in the right moral and material terrain. In this article questions are asked about the entanglement between placed parenthood and wider inequalities, as (dis)located on the gendered practices of mothers' labour. On the one hand, 'tight, white, middle-class mothers', positioned as cultural and national bearers of future, are tasked with bringing forth neo-liberal citizens (Baraitser 2009, Gillies 2006, Parker 2010). On the other, excessive, mis-fitting, workingclass and black mothers are positioned as deficits, responsible for social, cultural and economic crisis where certain femininities flounder and fail. Particular places, as embodied sites of locating 'unrest', 'austerity' and 'rioting', are both condemned for weakening neighbourhoods, communities and, by extension, the country. These assertions of place and people, or placed personhood, are increasingly cast as a global world-ranking of cities coming-forward and taking up more space (Gosling 2008; Paton 2010). 1 These processes are witnessed in the example of and responses to the English Riots of 2011, which provides a case study for this article, casting light on intersections of class, race, gender and sexuality in forms of placed parenthood. There is a (re)generation of new-old 'gender regimes' at play here in locating worth and worthlessness (Walby 2002, 2009; Taylor 2012a). Mothers, charged with rearing a generation of future-citizens, are increasingly expected to take responsibility for their own trajectories, to enterprise their way out of 'traps' (MacDonald et al. 2001) and to assemble a range of efficiencies, networks and capitals in order to envisage and pursue a fulfilling and productive future. They must and do come forward and claim space as theirs (Adkins 2009; McRobbie 2009; Evans 2010).

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In 1997, Maryland implemented a new managed care mental health system. Consumer satisfaction, evaluation and cultural competency were considered high priorities for the new system. While standardized tools for measuring consumer satisfaction were readily available, no validated, reliable and standardized tool existed to measure the perception of people from minority groups receiving mental health services. The MHA*/MHP* Cultural Competency Advisory Group (CCAG) accepted the challenge of developing a consumer assessment tool for cultural competency. The CCAG, composed of people in recovery, clinicians and administrators used their collective knowledge and experiences to develop a 52-item tool that met standards for validity and reliability. Consultation from a researcher helped to further develop the tool into one possessing tremendous potential for statewide implementation within Maryland's Public Mental Health System. Recognizing the limitations of the study and the need for further research, this instrument is a work in progress. Strategies to improve the instrument are currently underway with the Mental Hygiene Administration's Systems Evaluation Center of the University of Maryland and several national researchers.

The United States has an opioid epidemic that requires efforts to help youths and families navigate complex challenges. Extension professionals are being called on to develop programs that equitably and effectively engage and serve audiences across racial and ethnic differences. To accomplish this, Extension professionals must understand the systemic and historic inequities that have shaped prevention and treatment initiatives within communities of color. Establishing culturally responsive practices is essential for building successful prevention programs. This article presents an overview of historical occurrences, challenges faced by communities of color, and recommendations for best practices.

Due to globalization, new ideals of fatherhood are challenging traditional paternal roles in South Korea. Contemporary fathers striving to emulate more engaged parenting sometimes wrestle with painful recollections of their own fathers’ stern, distant, and patriarchal approach. How do men reconcile their aspirations for their own development as parents when conflicted relationships with their fathers? Motivated by the concept of intergenerational ambivalence, this study analyzes letters South Korean men write to their fathers as assigned homework for Father School, an international men’s movement that aims to make men more nurturing. Under Father School direction, men adopt a life course frame that allows them to reconcile their mixed feelings toward their aging fathers. Analysis points to three life course discursive strategies that permit men to balance negative judgments with positive ones: 1) sharing with their parent the life stage as worker and father; 2) appreciating historically-situated differences between twentieth and twenty-first century lives and parenting imperatives; and, 3) drawing on deeply rooted filial norms to take responsibility for their own role in intergenerational conflicts. In addressing how these men manage intergenerational ambivalence, the article moves beyond prior research to extend the concept to father-son dyads, the Asian context, and the neglected meso-level where organizations may actively structure reconciliation.