Local food systems are comprised of networks of actors that work to ensure the sustainability of food supplies within communities. While local food has typically been promoted through direct marketing strategies such as farmers' markets and community-supported agriculture (CSA), retail stores are increasingly carrying and marketing local foods in response to consumer demand and market potential. Given the frequency with which consumers shop at grocery stores, as well as the portion of consumers' food purchases made at these locations, these stores may play a significant role in the success of local agriculture and the shaping of ideology about what is ‘local’. We conducted 27 semi-structured interviews with representatives of food retailers known to source and market local foods in the four major urban centers of Oregon's Willamette Valley. Our results reveal that grocers' perceptions of local food vary significantly from one another. Additionally, our results differed in comparison to the published literature on consumers' and producers' ideas of what constitutes local. Food retailers identified varying distances (frequently a region including several states) that they consider local, as well as diverse reasons for choosing to source and market local foods (most commonly supporting the local economy). Some trends in the variation of responses relate to how the size and form of ownership of the grocery stores influence the level at which decisions are made. These wide-ranging perceptions outline many of the realities of the local food movement, as well as opportunities for change.

The conservation of crop genetic diversity in farmers’ fields is important for future food security. Recent research on women and biodiversity has emphasized the importance of women’s knowledge in plant domestication and biodiversity conservation. This paper presents a case study of the differences in women’s and men’s knowledge of maize landraces in four different environments in the Bajío region of Mexico. We argue that research on crop diversity and conservation needs to include both men and women farmers’ knowledge. Gendered knowledge results from men and women in a household being responsible for different tasks and sometimes for farming separate plots. In addition, as economic pressures increasingly force men to work away from their communities for extended periods, women become the primary agricultural decision‐makers.

Eating locally continues to be promoted as an alternative to growing concerns related to industrialized, global, corporate agriculture. Buying from local famers and producers is seen as a way to promote a healthier diet, reduce environmental impacts, and sustain communities. The promotion of the local food movement presents the question: is it possible to feed a community primarily from the foods produced locally? We conducted a systematic analysis comparing the United States Department of Agriculture's (USDA) recommended dietary requirements for the estimated 2008 population with annual local agricultural production for the years 2004-2008 within the counties of the Willamette Valley growing region. Our results indicate that current agricultural production in this highly fertile region does not meet the dietary needs of the local inhabitants for any of the USDA's six food groups: grains, vegetables, fruits, dairy, meat and beans, and oils. In the most recent year of our analysis, 2008, Willamette Valley agriculture production met 67% of annual required grains, 10% of vegetable needs, 24% of fruits, 59% of dairy, 58% of meat and beans, and 0% of dietary oil requirements. Over the past 5 years there have been significant fluctuations in crop production, particularly in 2006 when grain yields dropped to 29% of needs met. Additionally, many of these commodities are exported as cash crops, thus not contributing to meeting local food needs. We discuss these results as well as areas of potential for increasing production of edible crops for local consumption in the region.

This article explores the relationship between Indigenous knowledge, mapping, and contemporary GIS applications. It commences with an introduction to Indigenous peoples and Indigenous knowledge, as well as a review of reasons why Indigenous peoples are mapping. Using a diffusion of innovation model as an organizational framework, the article then examines the adoption and use of GIS by Indigenous peoples, based on published literature as well as on the authors' fieldwork, personal observations, and experiences. Attention is drawn to research areas and issues that seem lacking or are poorly addressed. Suggestions for future inquiry to advance understanding of the relationship between high-technology mapping and the recording and communication of Indigenous knowledge are offered.

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