BackgroundIn 1978, the Alma-Ata declaration on primary health care (PHC) recognized that the world’s health issues required more than just hospital-based and physician-centered policies. The declaration called for a paradigm change that would allow governments to provide essential care to their population in a universally acceptable manner. The figure of the community health worker (CHW) remains a central feature of participation within the PHC approach, and being a CHW is still considered to be an important way of participation within the health system.MethodsThis study explores how the values and personal motivation of community health workers influences their experience with this primary health care strategy in in the municipality of Palencia, Guatemala. To do this, we used an ethnographic approach and collected data in January-March of 2009 and 2010 by using participant observation and in-depth interviews.ResultsWe found that the CHWs in the municipality had a close working relationship with the mobile health team and with the community, and that their positions allowed them to develop leadership and teamwork skills that may prove useful in other community participation processes. The CHWs are motivated in their work and volunteerism is a key value in Palencia, but there is a lack of infrastructure and growth opportunities.ConclusionAttention should be paid to keeping the high levels of commitment and integration within the health team as well as keeping up supervision and economic funds for the program.
BackgroundPrevious studies have shown that women's education is protective against corporal punishment (CP) of children. However, the effect that women's exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV) has on the association between women's education and children's CP has not been studied.ObjectiveTo understand how the interaction between women's exposure to IPV and their education level influences the occurrence of children's CP at the household level.MethodsWe selected 10,156 women who had at least one child less than 16 years old from cross-sectional data from the 2006–2007 Nicaraguan Demographic and Health Survey. Children's CP was defined as the punishment of children by slapping them, hitting them with a fist, or hitting them with a rope, belt, stick, or other object. IPV was measured by using a conflict tactic scale. The WHO Self-Reporting Questionnaire 20 (SRQ-20) was used to assess the women's mental health. We computed adjusted risk ratios (ARR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) using Poisson regression with a robust variance estimator.ResultsWomen's exposure to IPV was associated with a 10–17% increase in the risk of children's CP. IPV and children's CP were associated with impaired women's mental health. Women's lifetime exposure to emotional IPV and controlling behavior by a partner significantly decreased the protective effect from women's high education level on children's CP. When women were exposed to emotional IPV, the protective effect from having a college education decreased from ARR=0.61 (95% CI 0.47–0.80) to ARR=0.98 (95% CI 0.80–1.19). A similar pattern was found among women exposed to controlling behavior by a partner, the protective effect decreased from ARR=0.71 (95% CI 0.53–0.90) to ARR=0.86 (95% CI 0.70–1.06).ConclusionThis study shows how significant gains in one positive social determinant of children's well-being can be undermined when it interacts with men's violence toward women. Policies that aim to end children's CP must include actions to end women's exposure to IPV.
Background Access to water is a right and a social determinant of health that should be provided by the state. However, when it comes to access to water in rural areas, the current trend is for communities to arrange for the service themselves through locally run projects. This article presents a narrative of a single community's process of participation in implementing and running a water project in the village of El Triunfo, Guatemala.MethodsUsing an ethnographic approach, we conducted a series of interviews with five village leaders, field visits, and participant observations in different meetings and activities of the community.Findings El Triunfo has had a long tradition of community participation, where it has been perceived as an important value. The village has a council of leaders who have worked together in various projects, although water has always been a priority. When it comes to participation, this community has achieved its goals when it collaborated with other stakeholders who provided the expertise and/or the funding needed to carry out a project. At the time of the study, the challenge was to develop a new phase of the water project with the help of other stakeholders and to maintain and sustain the tradition of participation by involving new generations in the process.DiscussionThis narrative focuses on the participation in this village's efforts to implement a water project. We found that community participation has substituted the role of the central and local governments, and that the collaboration between the council and other stakeholders has provided a way for El Triunfo to satisfy some of its demand for water.Conclusion El Triunfo's case shows that for a participatory scheme to be successful it needs prolonged engagement, continued support, and successful experiences that can help to provide the kind of stable participatory practices that involves community members in a process of empowered decision-making and policy implementation.
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