In spite of various policy initiatives and institutional frameworks, a good number of school-age children roam the streets of Nigeria. Nigeria unduly tops the rank in the total number of out-of-school children in the global scene. Now, about 16 million Out-Of-School Children (OOSC) live in Nigeria, and this means that about one out of five OOSC in the world relate to Nigeria. The number has increased from 8.7 million in 2014 to 13.2 million and 16 million in 2015/2019, respectively. But, this number reduced to 6.95 million in 2020. The breakdown of people in the out-of-school set includes children with disabilities; nomadic groups, comprising of pastoralists and migrants fishing groups; Almajiri students and displaced people due to violent Nigeria conflicts, mostly Northern states like Adamawa, Yobe and Borno. These schools are bedecked with series of schools which have been closed, and they amount to roughly 802, out of which classrooms of about 497 were practically sabotaged, while another 1,392 were entirely damaged. It is absolutely patent that the unadulterated surge in the hiking number of out-ofschool children in Nigeria is traceable to the reinforced cases of insecurity, feeble institutional and policy structure, norms and traditions of the people, poverty, and total excommunication of children with disabilities in consideration of policies. This unearthed the OOSC fragments and the plausible instigations of the growing occupants in Nigeria. While this study adopts qualitative approach, it banks largely on secondary data to find out the perplexing population of the out-of-school children. The study concludes that, albeit series of government policy interventions have helped reduce the number of OOSC in 2020, more strategic actions need to be taken to further cushion the growth of the menace of OOSC in the country. Hence, the study proposes some recommendations to reinvigorate the decreasing trend of the OOSC.

COVID-19 pandemic generated unprecedented global crises with long-lasting consequences. Among the multifarious aftermath of the pandemic is the question of trust at various levels. In this study, I examined the bi-directional nexus between public trust and the management of the pandemic in Nigeria. Using mixed research methods, the study discovered that the main reason for citizens’ resistance to major policies introduced by the government to contain the spread of the pandemic was due to an entrenched lack of trust in the government, its agencies and officials which was further fractured by the management of the pandemic. Government needs to promote public trust through being responsive and responsible, constant and consistent citizens’ engagement, institutionalising transparency and accountability, and engendering a sense of belonging for all citizens.

The legislature as First Estate of the realm represents citizens and sovereignty. It makes the law, serve as checks on the activities of the executive (oversight) and represent the citizens in constituencies. The responsibility of the Parliaments is to guarantee that accountability and transparency of government activities are maintained in order to curb misuse of public funds, corruption, while effecting good practices. It also scrutinizes the nominees for top government positions by the executive arm while it ensures that the requests sent by the executive are properly examined in order to avoid inefficiency and non-performance. However, the paper relying on secondary research method and data gathering discover that limited political will by legislators, inadequate funds, deteriorating infrastructural facilities, pressure from the Executive, predominance of inexperience legislators in the art of lawmaking and the tendency to place a higher premium of personal and pecuniary interests at the expense of public interests are antithetical to the effective legislative power of summons and appointment ratification in the National Assembly. Therefore, the paper recommended that there is a need for legislators to shun mediocrity and rise above pecuniary, sectional and party interests in favour of the protection of democracy and its practices.

Account (TSA) is an important tool to manage all the operations of governments smoothly. Previously (before the order of August 11 th , 2015) a unified view was completely absent among government financial resources. For this reason, cash lies idle for extended periods in numerous bank accounts which are held by spending agencies. These agencies were fraudulently diverting government funds. So many revenue generating MDAs were defrauding the nation's commonwealth. Government ineffective control over its cash resources then started paying for its institutional deficiencies in multiple ways. For example, this lacuna has made it possible for revenue generating MDAs to have generated about N3 trillion in 2009, but only remitted less than N47 billion to government coffers; generated N3.07 trillion in 2010 but remitted less than N55 billion; and generated more than N3.17 trillion in 2011 and just remitted a meagre N73.80 billion (Okwe, Nelson, Adeoye, & Ogah, 2015:53). As per the Nigerian public financial management policy agenda, Nigeria has put priority in case (Braimah, 2016).The background of Treasury Single Account (TSA) is in accordance with Executive Order No. 55 of 2011, which stipulated that the Bureau of Treasury shall operate a Treasury Single Account (TSA) to receive remittance of collections of internal revenue taxes/customs duties from Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR)/Bureau of Customs (BOC) authorized agents, banks as well as other National Government Agencies from authorized government depository banks (Isa, 2016).To further buttressing the above point, Sections 80 and 162 of the 1999 Constitution are apt on this matter when it says:

Violations of law, human rights abuse, and socio-economic and political grievances are legacies of violence and conflict-affected politics. In recent times, the aggravation of violence and conflict has hindered political development and instigated socio-economic grievances. Transitional justice and peace deal with human rights abuses, violation of rights, violence, and other grievances in societies in transition. One of the main focuses of transitional justice discourse is to engage human rights law for political stability, accountability, and peace in changes, as developed in the strict law practice. This research is descriptive and relies on secondary data. Thus, transitional justice and the rule of law are considered a framework for analysis in violence and conflict-affected politics as intertwined to promote post-violence and conflict or socio-economic and political stability. Therefore, various political actors have engaged in promoting the rule of law and the promotion of peace through security sector reform. With the focus on transitional justice, various processes have been considered through the promotion of rule of law, security, and accountability in the Niger Delta and the northeast of Nigeria that have been ravaged by insurgency, terrorism, violence, and conflict, and these processes have been supported and developed by an increasing number of actors at the national and international levels. Therefore, this paper investigates the socio-economic and political legacies of violence and conflict in transitional justice and peace and examines the interaction of transitional justice and the values of the rule of law in dealing with political tensions as shown in the cases of Boko Haram and Niger Delta. This paper recommends that transitional justice and the rule of law contribute to peace and post-conflict recovery for socio-economic and political grievances resulting from violence and conflict.