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How are experiences of and reactions to guilt and shame a function of gendered views of the self? Individual differences in guilt and shame responses were explored in a sample of 104 young adults, most of whom were European American. Results indicated that, although women reported greater proneness to guilt and shame, men reported more trait guilt. Heightened levels of guilt-and shame-proneness were observed among both men and women with traditionally feminine gender roles, whereas a more traditionally masculine self-concept was associated with decreased shame-proneness for women. Gender schematic women favored verbal responses to ameliorate the experience of guilt, whereas gender schematic men preferred action-oriented responses. These results are discussed as gendered outcomes of schematic versus aschematic gender role socialization.

This research examined perceptions of sexual harassment in academic contexts using data sets collected in 1990 (Time 1) and 2000 (Time 2). We assessed the influence of two individual variables--gender and gender role--and one contextual variable--power of the harasser--on perceptions of harassment. When the harasser was a higher-power individual, participants perceived more vignettes as examples of sexual harassment, viewed female targets more positively, and evaluated male harassers more negatively. Contrary to prediction, participants viewed male harassers less negatively at Time 2 than at Time 1. Despite increased media attention and educational interventions, comparisons to the earlier findings highlight remarkable stability in perceptions of harassment over time.

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The purpose of this study was to assess how the experience of stressful life changes might provide an opportunity for ego development in adulthood. The sample included 104 women in the early stage of the separation and divorce process; 91% of the sample was recontacted after 1 year had elapsed. Longitudinal analyses of the adaptation process supported the hypothesis that marital separation and divorce might be a disequilibrating life change, but one that might foster ego development. Those women who experienced this life change as disequilibrating but who made a successful adaptation by Time 2 showed a significant increase in ego level. Furthermore, those women who were high in adjustment at Time 1 but low in adjustment at Time 2 showed a theoretically consistent regression in ego level. Patterns of adaptation to life changes, their relationship to ego development, and the theoretical implications for Loevinger's model are discussed.