Gender scholars draw on the “theory of gendered organizations” to explain persistent gender inequality in the workplace. This theory argues that gender inequality is built into work organizations in which jobs are characterized by long-term security, standardized career ladders and job descriptions, and management controlled evaluations. Over the past few decades, this basic organizational logic has been transformed. in the so-called new economy, work is increasingly characterized by job insecurity, teamwork, career maps, and networking. Using a case study of geoscientists in the oil and gas industry, we apply a gender lens to this evolving organization of work. This article extends Acker's theory of gendered organizations by identifying the mechanisms that reproduce gender inequality in the twenty-first-century workplace, and by suggesting appropriate policy approaches to remedy these disparities.

Since the 1980s, major U.S. corporations have embraced diversity as a management strategy to increase the number of women in top jobs. Diversity management programs include targeted recruitment, hiring, and promotions policies; mentoring programs; affinity groups; and diversity training. Few of these programs have proven effective in achieving gender diversity in the corporate world, despite their widespread popularity. To explore the reasons for this, the authors investigate the experiences of women scientists in the oil and gas industry who are targeted by these programs. In-depth interviews reveal possible reasons why these programs fail to achieve their intended goals. The authors find that these programs can paradoxically reinforce gender inequality and male dominance in the industry. The authors discuss alternative approaches for addressing gender inequality in work organizations and conclude with implications of their findings for corporate approaches to promoting diversity and for future research.

Scholarship has tended to focus on the deleterious impacts of chronic exposure to violence, to the detriment of understanding how residents living in dangerous contexts care for themselves and one another. Drawing on 30 months of ethnographic fieldwork, this article examines two sets of practices that residents exercise in the name of protecting themselves and their loved ones. The first set (Bmaking toast^) includes the mundane, Bsmall acts,^-often embedded in routinethat residents draw on in an effort to form connections and create order in a fundamentally chaotic and stressful environment. The second set ("splitting apples") involves the teaching and exercise of violence in the name of protecting daughters and sons from further harm. Using interviews and field notes, we argue that both sets of practices, when viewed in situ, reveal an Bethics of care.^Resisting the urge to either romanticize or sanitize these efforts, we engage with the difficult question of what it means when an expression of Bcare^involves the (re)production of violence, especially against a loved one.Keywords Protective carework . Family violence . Argentina . Violence in Latin America . Urban ethnography Decades of research have established the durable and pernicious impact that chronic exposure to violence has on poor communities (Brennan et al. 2007;Schwab-Stone et al. 1995). Clark et al. (2008 have dubbed chronic exposure to violence a Bmental health hazard,^in reference to its harmful developmental, emotional, and behavioral impacts on individuals (see also, Farrell et al. 2007;Friday 1995;Holton 1995;Popkin et al. 2010). Exposure to community violence is strongly associated with post-traumatic Theor Soc

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