This chapter focuses on word-level prominence in Arapaho (Hinónoʼeitíít), a severely endangered Plains Algonquian language spoken by approximately 1000 people, most of them in Wyoming and Oklahoma (see Cowell and Moss 2011: 1–3). In this chapter I propose a novel analysis of the stress system of Arapaho. I argue that it is best analyzed as a lexical accent system, i.e. the position of accent within a morpheme is phonologically unpredictable and is part of the underlying phonological form of the morpheme. As in other lexical accent languages (Bogomolets 2020; Revithiadou 1999; van der Hulst 2010), while the underlying position of an accent within a morpheme is generally unpredictable, a small number of regular rules governs the distribution of stresses within a word. The defining role in the system belongs to (i) the underlying specification of some syllables within some morphemes as carrying accent, to (ii) an accent competition resolution whereby the rightmost of competing accents wins, and to (iii) a trisyllabic stress ‘window’ aligned to the right edge of a morphological word. Stress must be present within the final three syllables of every morphological word, while a default penultimate accent is the result of an iambic foot followed by an extrametrical syllable. The chapter also provides a brief overview of the tone system in Arapaho. The language has developed a single falling toneme (HL); its assignment is synchronically unpredictable, i.e. lexical, and is independent from stress in the language.

This chapter presents an overview of the theoretical concepts relevant for the study of phonological prominence in general and phonological prominence in languages with complex morphologies in particular. Our main theoretical focus is the issue of accent competition. We defend the proposal that the notion of competition should be viewed as central in a study of accent and we propose a typology of accent systems where the main classificatory factor is the type of accent competition resolution. We draw close parallels between the strategies of accent competition resolution found in languages with the so-called phonologically predictable accent and in languages with lexical accent. This chapter also discusses the scope of the volume in some detail and provides an overview of the chapters that can be found in this volume.

This chapter addresses the question of word prominence in Eastern Canadian Inuktitut, a part of the Inuit dialect continuum constituting a branch of the Inuit-Yupik-Unangan language family. The Inuit language is an extreme example of polysynthesis, with productive noun and verb incorporation that can be applied recursively, along with extensive word-internal modification. The main analysis is based on original data from South Baffin Island (Qikiqtaaluk Nigiani) Inuktitut, but the chapter also examines the literature on other varieties from across the language family. We present acoustic analyses of three potential correlates of stress or prominence: duration, fundamental frequency and intensity. Duration of syllables increased at the end of the word, while fundamental frequency and intensity dropped at the right word edge. Word-internally, no alternating or other regular patterns appeared. Comparing these results to hypotheses of what would be expected for metrical stress systems and other types of word prominence, we conclude that there is no indication that South Baffin Island Inuktitut has stress or another type of word-level prominence. Instead, in line with previous research on Inuit prosody, we find that the language regularly marks the borders of words and other prosodic constituents.

No abstract

This paper presents a novel analysis of the stress system of Ichishkiin Sɨnwit (Sahaptian). Ichishkiin Sɨnwit has been previously analyzed as a unique example of a stress system requiring a ranking of the Affix Faithfulness constraints over the Root Faithfulness constraints. I argue, however, that such idiosyncratic stress mechanisms are not necessary. Instead, I propose that accent assignment is cyclic: Underlying accent in the outermost derivational layer within the relevant domain wins. A central role in this analysis belongs to (i) the underlying specification of morphemes for accent, and to (ii) morpho-prosodic domains. The current proposal additionally offers an insight into the role of morpho-prosodic domains in the hiatus resolution strategies.