Standardized measures of subjective well-being were compared with qualitative analysis of life satisfaction from 100 elderly men (70 years and older) from New Delhi, India, and London, England. 3 structured measures were used, Life Satisfaction Index (A), Cantril Self-Anchoring Ladder, and a one-item happiness question. Qualitative data were obtained from semistructured interviews covering past and present experiences. Meaning units were extracted from interview protocols, emerging themes were identified for each respondent, and overall summaries were written for English and Indian samples. Groups did not differ significantly on any of the structured measures, but showed marked differences in the qualitative analysis. Limitations of structured measures of subjective well-being are discussed in terms of "context-stripping," both in data collection and data analysis.

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Summary This study was undertaken to examine ambiguities in the ability of the I‐E scale to predict complex social behavior. An analysis of the items in the I‐E scale suggested that the scale might contain a conservative bias Further, it was suggested that responses to the items may be determined by the individual's political and social ideology, which in turn are influenced by the political and social norms to which he has been exposed The sample consisted of one parent and a college‐aged child from 60 upper‐middle‐class families in which the parent was visible in the community for political and social participation, half the parents interviewed were liberal, and half conservative in their political views A number of measures of political and social participation were administered, along with a shortened version of the I‐E scale The findings of the study supported the contention that the “internal” items on the I‐E scale are more congenial to persons holding conservative political views than for those holding liberal views. Perceived internal causality, as measured by the I‐E scale, was found to be nonsignificantly correlated with any of the measures of political participation for the parent sample, with five of the six correlations being in the opposite direction from that predicted by social learning theory The results of the study were discussed in terms of White's distinction between the “moralizer” and “reformer” approach to social problems The validity of the I‐E scale as a measure of a stable personality trait was called into question, as was its usefulness in predicting complex social behavior

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a significant problem following rape, yet reports on the efficacy of pharmacological agents in this population are lacking. The results of an open 12-week clinical trial utilizing sertraline (mean dose 105 mg) in the treatment of adult female rape victims with chronic PTSD are presented. The five completers were, on average, 41.6 years old and 15.6 years postassault. Sertraline reduced PTSD and related symptoms in these rape victims. The mean Clinician Administered PTSD Scale (CAPS) scores decreased by 53%, with four out of five participants responding positively to treatment. These preliminary results support the need for systematic assessment of sertraline in this population.

P. brief introductory review of the literature reveals that research on family influence in the development of political orientations in adult children is inconclusive. This study focused on highly politicized families and examines: (1) the relative influence of family emotional climate versus family political climate; and (2) the relative influence of mothers and fathers on the child's pclitical orientations by college age. The sample consisted of 60 white families from upper middle class communities where the parents were politically visible and were known to be either liberal or conservative. Family emotional climate was measured in terms of permissiveness, warmth, conflict and interaction. Family political climate included: (1) parental dedication to causes; and (2) parental political tutoring. The analysis of these six independent family variables with parent-child political attitude congruence indicated significant association of measures of family political climate with attitude congruence for all dyads except mother-son, with father-son dyads showing the greatest association. Reasons are discussed.