Although history has shown us that the church plays a role in the political liberalization of non-democratic countries, the nature of the church's role and how it participates in politics has yet to be fully revealed. By revisiting the Polish Church's historic role in the collapse of communism, I argue that we have overestimated the church's effect on political liberalization in that case, which has led us to neglect or be prematurely disappointed in its role in the remaining communist countries such as in Cuba. Drawing from the Polish case, I conclude that the church's moral, self-limiting, and transnational character needs to be recognized and incorporated into a general theory of democratization. It is this aspect of the church that has helped it to remain active within remaining communist societies, and provide the moral support that is an integral part of political liberalization processes.Religion and liberation have gone hand in hand at different times and for different reasons. 1 In the final quarter of the twentieth century, it was one of the catalysts for the various Latin American liberation movements as well as the collapse of Soviet communism. 2 Scholars generally have agreed that religion -and particularly the Roman Catholic Church ('church') -played a significant role in these processes. Yet, it has been approximately 10 years since we have said farewell to godless communism and little attention or credit has been given to the church's role in those non-democratic countries that refuse to acknowledge the 'end of history'. 3 These analytical gaps or oversights suggest that our studies of the church and democratization are perhaps incomplete. If the church is to be part of a generalizable theory of democratization, scholars should not be selective in their analyses, that is, focusing on the church in some countries and not others. Although history has shown us that the church plays a role in the political liberalization of
To what extent can the Catholic Church in Vietnam contribute to both social and political change? Traditionally, scholars have often focused on countries with large Catholic populations, such as Poland or the Philippines, to exemplify the Church's ability to promote political liberalization, while countries with smaller Catholic populations have been largely overlooked. By examining the confrontations and negotiations between the Catholic Church and the communist state in Vietnam, this article demonstrates that such an oversight precludes the recognition of key figures and initiatives that may bring about significant political change.
International discussions regarding the environment have too narrowly focused on contributions by secular actors. The Catholic Church, recognized for its influential role in the democratization processes of the 1990s, also has a long-standing position regarding climate change, yet remains understudied. How can the Church contribute to the international community's debates regarding the environment and climate change? Using the framework of constructivism and Jurgen Habermas' concept of institutional translation, I argue that the Church is a norm entrepreneur that promotes a foreign policy of human/integral ecology. The most recent articulation of this foreign policy is Pope Francis' encyclical Laudato Si’, which was referenced by the Holy See at the 26th UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) in 2021. The Church's participation at COP26 was the latest animation and application of the Church's foreign policy; I examine the Church's efforts to change the narrative on the environment toward a shared, global responsibility.
While scholars have recognized a resurgence of religion, their focus mainly has been on religion's more violent aspects, overlooking its peaceful capacities and effects. This oversight is due in part to the lack of theoretical rigor when it comes to the study of politics and religion. Using the Catholic Church's opposition to the United States' 2003 war in Iraq, this article highlights the political significance of religion's moral, symbolic voice, which is as important as the hard power that has traditionally dominated international relations. The post-Vatican II Catholic Church's modern articulation of human dignity and interpretation of just war theory challenges both scholars and policymakers to utilize the peaceful, diplomatic methods that international relations theory and practitioners have made available. Religion's role in politics, therefore, can be one that is supportive of modern political societies and it need not be violent.
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