Sex-specific differences in dispersal, survival, reproductive success, and natural selection differentially affect the effective population size (N e ) of genomic regions with different modes of inheritance such as sex chromosomes and mitochondrial DNA. In papionin monkeys (macaques, baboons, geladas, mandrills, drills, and mangabeys), for example, these factors are expected to reduce N e of paternally inherited portions of the genome compared to maternally inherited portions. To explore this further, we quantified relative N e of autosomal DNA, X and Y chromosomes, and mitochondrial DNA using molecular polymorphism and divergence information from pigtail macaque monkeys (Macaca nemestrina). Consistent with demographic expectations, we found that N e of the Y is lower than expected from a Wright-Fisher idealized population with an equal proportion of males and females, whereas N e of mitochondrial DNA is higher. However, N e of 11 loci on the X chromosome was lower than expected, a finding that could be explained by pervasive hitchhiking effects on this chromosome. We evaluated the fit of these data to various models involving natural selection or sex-biased demography. Significant support was recovered for natural selection acting on the Y chromosome. A demographic model with a skewed sex ratio was more likely than one with sex-biased migration and explained the data about as well as an ideal model without sex-biased demography. We then incorporated these results into an evaluation of macaque divergence and migration on Borneo and Sulawesi islands. One X-linked locus was not monophyletic on Sulawesi, but multilocus data analyzed in a coalescent framework failed to reject a model without migration between these islands after both were colonized.T HE effective size of a population (N e ) determines the relative impact of genetic drift and natural selection on mutations with mild effects on fitness (Charlesworth 2009). Differences in N e are hypothesized to affect virtually every aspect of genome evolution, including rates of molecular evolution, abundance of introns and transposable elements, and persistence of duplicate genes, and this has important implications for the evolution of complexity via both adaptive and degenerative processes (Lynch 2007). Of relevance are not only the number of different individuals in a population, but also the number of copies of a gene within each individual. In diploid species with separate sexes, sex chromosomes and mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) differ in copy number from autosomal DNA (aDNA): both sexes have two alleles at autosomal loci whereas in species with male heterogamy, males have one X and one Y chromosome, females have two Xs, and a female/male pair has effectively only one copy of mtDNA due to maternal inheritance. Sexspecific differences in demographic parameters such as migration, adult sex ratio, and variance in reproductive success also affect relative copy number and associated levels of neutral polymorphism at mtDNA, aDNA, the X chromosome (xDNA), and the...

Many people remain invisible in all stages of policymaking processes and are re/harmed by policy decisions made in their absence, even where public engagement has occurred. This lack of meaningful engagement affects those experiencing homelessness, migrant workers, northern and Indigenous women, and others with whom we have collaborated. This article demonstrates the transformative potential of recognising these ‘invisible’ actors as legitimate and effective actors in the policy process. In this article, we present a series of Canadian research vignettes, emerging from our empirical research programmes, that illuminate the possibilities for the principles of engaged scholarship to advance transformative, community-driven policymaking. Along with other critical policy scholars, we are concerned about how power circulates and is distributed unequally through public policy. Our focus in on how commitments manifested through engaged scholarship can disrupt these power distributions. Through our vignettes, we demonstrate how principles of engaged scholarship can shape public engagement, the understanding of policy problems, the creation of evidence, and the development of meaningful policy solutions. This article makes an important contribution on how to improve the processes of public engagement in policy development.

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This paper explores the electoral dynamics of participatory budgeting projects in Chicago, IL, a topic neglected in the participatory democracy literature. Combining qualitative fieldwork with electoral data, I argue participatory budgeting is more likely to be adopted by elected officials who identify as progressive, face strong electoral competition, and are non-incumbents. These officials mobilize support for participatory budgeting to enhance their democratic legitimacy and build their constituency networks. In contrast to research focused on participatory budgeting as a non-partisan deliberative initiative, I attribute the uneven emergence of participatory budgeting projects in Chicago to the strategic electoral interests of aldermen, suggesting explanations of participatory budgeting focused on the drivers of the process should assign a greater role to electoral interests. More broadly, this research suggests approaching policy transfer as a contextually embedded process that precludes normative assumptions about particular policies absent a consideration of the institutional and social environment.

This paper critiques the deployment of the term “identity politics” in Canadian political science. Through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of research articles in leading English language academic journals in the Canadian social sciences, we examine whose politics are labelled identity politics and what intellectual work transpires through this label. Identity politics tends to be applied to scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, but with a lack of analytical rigour, indicating a degree of conceptual looseness. Moreover, the designation identity politics is not neutral; it is often mobilized as a rhetorical device to distance authors from scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, and to inscribe a materialist/culturalist divide in claims-making. We argue that the effect of this demarcation of identity from politics is to control the boundaries of political discourse, limiting who and what gains entry into the political. This serves to reassert an exclusionary conception of Canadian identity.