Body modification is a blanket term for tattooing, piercing, scarring, cutting, and other forms of bodily alteration generally associated with fashion, identity, or cultural markings. Body modifications like tattooing and piercing have become so common in industrialised regions of the world that what were once viewed as marks of abnormality are now considered normal. However, the psychological motivations for body modification practices are still being investigated regarding deviance or risky behaviours, contributing to a sense in the academic literature that body modifications are both normal and deviant. We explored this inconsistency by conducting a scoping review of the psychological literature on body modifications under the assumption that the psychological and psychiatric disciplines set the standard for related research. We searched for articles in available online databases and retained those published in psychology journals or interdisciplinary journals where at least one author is affiliated with a Psychology or Psychiatry programme (N = 94). We coded and tabulated the articles thematically, identifying five categories and ten subcategories. The most common category frames body modifications in general terms of risk, but other categories include health, identity, credibility/employability, and fashion/attractiveness. Trends in psychology studies seem to follow the shifting emphasis in the discipline from a clinical orientation regarding normality and abnormality to more complex social psychological approaches.

Objectives A common dilemma rarely mentioned during doctoral training is career/family balance—especially the timing of children. This dilemma extends to professional anthropologists and includes questions surrounding the benefits and challenges of taking children to the field. We analyzed survey data from tenure‐track and tenured anthropologists to determine if fieldwork in general and fieldwork with or without their children on site impacts career/family balance. We hypothesized that having children and the burden of fieldwork puts more strain on women than on men in anthropology. Methods We compared 297 tenure‐track and tenured anthropologists by gender, tenure status, and mean annual time spent conducting fieldwork using survey data collected for the Family and the Field study. Analysis was conducted using a combination of hierarchical multivariate analysis of variance and regression to analyze the differing factors affecting various groups. Results The primary differences in career/family balance occurred between tenure‐track and tenured anthropologists, not women and men, and that fieldwork requirements do not necessarily make achieving personal balance harder for anthropologists than other academics. Conclusions The need to conduct fieldwork may dissuade some people with or planning to have children from becoming anthropologists. However, upon obtaining tenure‐track positions, the burdens impacting “balance” taper off and become less stressful. We offer policy suggestions for buffering stress related to career/family balance that may negatively impact decisions to pursue or continue in anthropology as a career.