A central paradox defines the scholarship of criminal justice and race: while racial disparities manifest throughout the criminal justice system, it is often portrayed as race‐neutral. We identify two central paradigm shifts: one in penology (that focuses on risk) and one in racial ideology (that focuses on colorblindness) that create a perfect storm; criminal justice apparatuses produce an illusion of racial neutrality while exacerbating racial disproportionality. We join an expanding list of scholars encouraging discourse that engages critical race theory on an empirical level and import this approach to the consideration of race within the criminal justice system. We identify issues with the conceptualization and operationalization of race as a variable within criminal justice research and recommend that scholars consider the mutual constitution of race and criminal justice. That is, scholarship must examine and empirically measure how race and criminal justice institutions actively form and inform each other.

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Background: A common hypothesis is that crime is a major barrier to physical activity, but research does not consistently support this assumption. This article advances research on crime-related safety and physical activity by developing a multilevel conceptual framework and reliable measures applicable across age groups. Methods: Criminologists and physical activity researchers collaborated to develop a conceptual framework. Survey development involved qualitative data collection and resulted in 155 items and 26 scales. Intraclass correlation coefficients (ICCs) were computed to assess test–retest reliability in a subsample of participants (N = 176). Analyses were conducted separately by age groups. Results: Test–retest reliability for most scales (63 of 104 ICCs across 4 age groups) was “excellent” or “good” (ICC ≥ .60) and only 18 ICCs were “poor” (ICC < .40). Reliability varied by age group. Adolescents (aged 12–17 y) had ICCs above the .40 threshold for 21 of 26 scales (81%). Young adults (aged 18–39 y) and middle-aged adults (aged 40–65 y) had ICCs above .40 for 24 (92%) and 23 (88%) scales, respectively. Older adults (aged 66 y and older) had ICCs above .40 for 18 of 26 scales (69%). Conclusions: The conceptual framework and reliable measures can be used to clarify the inconclusive relationships between crime-related safety and physical activity.

Despite a small but growing literature on gang disengagement and desistance, little is known about how social networks and changes in networks correspond to self-reported changes in street gang membership over time. The current study describes the personal or “ego” network composition of 228 street gang members in two east coast cities in the United States. The study highlights changes in personal network composition associated with changes in gang membership over two waves of survey data, describing notable differences between those who reported leaving their gang and fully disengaging from their gang associates, and those who reported leaving but still participate and hang out with their gang friends. Results show some positive changes (i.e., reductions) in criminal behavior and many changes toward an increase in prosocial relationships for those who fully disengaged from their street gang, versus limited changes in both criminal behavior and network composition over time for those who reported leaving but remained engaged with their gang. The findings suggest that gang intervention programs that increase access to or support building prosocial relationships may assist the gang disengagement process and ultimately buoy desistance from crime. The study also has implications for theorizing about gang and crime desistance, in that the role of social ties should take a more central role.

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