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We present a study investigating the effect of tense (past vs. future) on the computation of scalar implicatures in connection with the German quantifier einige ‘some’ in an interactive experiment, which included a financial incentive for participants to consider whether another speaker would share their judgment. We tested the hypothesis that scalar implicatures are less frequently drawn in future tense than in past tense. In addition, we studied to what extent sets with various cardinalities are prototypical representatives of einige + N. We hypothesized that larger cardinalities are more prototypical representatives of the quantifier einige than smaller cardinalities (relative to the cardinality of the total set). We analyzed the experimental data with probabilistic Bayesian models with a linking hypothesis between participants’ responses and readings based on utility maximization in simple decision problems. In line with the hypotheses, we found that less scalar implicatures are drawn in future tense than in past tense, which replicates the results of previous research on English some, and that with an increase in set size acceptance of statements involving einige also increases.

AbstractThere is a use of the German third person neuter pronoun es in the prefield, known as prefield-es, which is characterized by being neither referential, nor an argument of the verb. According to Speyer’s (2008, 2009) optimality theoretic prefield ranking, this should only occur if a sentence contains no alternative element eligible to be moved to the prefield. This paper investigates a so far unnoticed use of es in the prefield in combination with a demonstrative pronoun dies and a copula verb ist, which will be referred to as Es ist dies-sentence. This construction is an instance of prefield-es, but contravenes the expectations about the use of prefield-es postulated by Speyer, since Es ist dies-sentences do contain a suitable candidate to fill the prefield, the demonstrative pronoun dies. In a corpus study, Es ist dies-sentences are compared to a sample of Dies ist-sentences. According to the corpus data, Es ist dies occurs predominantly in southern dialects. Significant differences between the two samples concern 1) the distance to the antecedent of dies and 2) the type of content of the sentence. An online rating study, that compared acceptability judgments of Es ist dies-sentences between speakers from different regions, confirmed that Es ist dies-sentences are a phenomenon of southern dialects. In the light of these results, a modification of Speyer’s (2008, 2009) Stochastic OT model is proposed.