Despite de-globalization, which has become a trend in recent years, a high degree of interdependence between countries remains in the world, and the solution of global problems through international cooperation of subnational units is in demand. Intrastate regions affect interstate relations by strengthening their cultural, trade, and economic ties, often contributing to the intensification of interstate dialogue. The article looks for the primary factors and features of international activity of Russia’s border regions as territories located near foreign states and which have the most significant number of “points of contact.” It also tries to assess their impact on Russia’s foreign policy. The study shows that Russian regions have recently gained some independence in their external relations and managed to acquire all the features of influential non-state actors, according to the theory of actorness by Russet and Star. They have become integrated into a wide variety of international structures, where they can implement joint infrastructure projects with foreign regions and develop local self-government. Russian border regions become active on the international stage when they have common socio-economic and security problems, ethno-confessional, and cultural-linguistic affinity with the regions of neighboring states, and when the federal center uses their regions for important geopolitical factors for the foreign policy of the federal center. Building close ties based on cultural, linguistic, and ethnic affinity, the Russian regions perform a “compensating function,” making up for the lack of mutual understanding at the level of bilateral relations. They also act as “diplomatic agents” of the federal center in international organizations which promote local-level democracy. Regions also have the potential to build up Russia’s “soft power.” Although cross-border cooperation implies some costs, which the federal authorities try to reduce through legal regulation, it is still widely supported by federal governments.

Introduction. Euroregions with the participation of constituent entities of the Russian Federation have been actively created since 1998 and still remain a popular form of developing cross-border cooperation with neighboring countries. Cooperation in the format of Euroregions has been aimed at solving the socio-economic problems of the border regions. However, each individual project of a Euroregion has its specific features. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current state of cooperation in the format of Euroregions of the European and post-Soviet types, as well as the possibilities of extrapolating the experience of Euroregions with Russian participation. Materials and Methods. The available studies on Euroregions, as well as materials from the official website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation and those of the Euroregions, were used as materials for this research. The comparative analysis as well as SWOT analysis made it possible to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of the European-type and post-Soviet-type models of Euroregions and formed the methodological basis of the study. Results. The author has analyzed all the main results of the activities of the Euroregions of the European and post-Soviet types. Conclusions regarding the strengths and weaknesses of each type of the Euroregions have been made. In order to consider the possibility of extrapolating the European experience in establishing Euroregions in the Eurasian space, the cases of two projects of Euroregions, ‘Our Common Home – Altai’ and ‘Transnistria’, have been studied. The conclusions were drawn regarding the interests of both the local authorities and the political elite of the federal center in the development of cross-border cooperation programs, which is an important factor in the successful functioning of the Euroregions with the participation of constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Discussion and Conclusion. Analysis of the current state of the Euroregions with Russian participation made it possible to conclude that the format of the Euroregion itself is an effective form of cross-border cooperation. Based on the analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the Euroregions, recommendations have been produced on organizing cross-border cooperation in the format of Euroregions in the Eurasian space, the most advantageous area for Russia; this can be of practical importance for strengthening bilateral international relations.

Due to the increase in the number of conflicts, which lead to the growth of tension and destabilization of the system of international relations, the search for new mechanisms for their settlement and new participants who are able to introduce a positive agenda through interaction with all parties is an urgent research task. This paper focuses on international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), acting as such new actors and taking part in the settlement of the conflict in Syria. The purpose of the article is to analyze their contribution to the Syrian peace process, to consider their possibilities and limitations. The methodology is based on discourse analysis and case studies. The case of Syria was chosen because of the ongoing nature of the civil war there, as well as the fact that INGOs have proposed a number of new initiatives to resolve the conflict, which makes this study novel. The study identified the main organizations that propose a peaceful settlement of the conflict, and also identified the main trends in the participation of INGOs in the crisis settlement in Syria. Thus, participating in the peace process, they also implement peacebuilding projects, actively cooperate with local INGOs, and switch to remote work formats due to security problems. However, the analysis of their proposals for the peace process also revealed the main problems of the activities of INGOs within the framework of track II diplomacy, which consist in their neglect of the principle of impartiality. The ability of INGOs to promote their initiatives is also influenced by the dynamics of traditional diplomacy. The key takeaway is that, despite the complexity of the Syrian peace process and the dominant role of traditional diplomacy, INGOs have a significant positive impact on the peace process as they promote grassroots cohesion among the Syrian population and encourage them to form civil associations similar to INGOs, which are also gradually beginning to look for ways of national reconciliation.

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Cancel Culture originated in Western society and was initially interpreted as a social phenomenon, but over time it began to acquire an increasing political dimension. Its main distribution platform are social networks, where, due to the almost instantaneous reaction on the part of society to information stuffing, the “cancellation culture” has become truly global. Since 2022 cancel culture is a tool for managing socio-political phenomena that can be used for foreign policy purposes. The authors make an attempt to conceptualize and operationalize this term, formerly used in publicjournalistic discourse. They also set themselves the task of identifying the subjects of dissemination of cancel culture and suggesting mechanisms to combat its negative manifestations.