Recently, the idea of a universal basic income has received unprecedented attention from policymakers, the media and the wider public. This has inspired a plethora of surveys that seek to measure the extent of public support for the policy, many of which suggest basic income is surprisingly popular. However, in a review of past surveys, with a focus on the UK and Finland, we find that overall levels of support for basic income can vary considerably. We highlight the importance of survey design and, by employing new survey data in each country, compare the levels and determinants of support for varied models of basic income. Our results point to the importance of the multi-dimensionality of basic income and the fragility of public support for the idea. The findings suggest that the ability of political actors to mobilise the public in favour of basic income will eventually depend on the precise model they wish to implement.

The idea of universal basic income is recieving increasing attention in the political, media and public agendas. This policy proposal constitutes a radical departure from the orthodox welfare rationale of giving to those in need, or attaching conditions to welfare support. Given the permutation that a UBI presents, many pilot projects and field experiments are being carried out globally to test the effects of this novel policy idea. Key questions arise from these developments: are the lessons learned from these experiments being fed back into the policy process? Are the pilot project results guiding and informing policymakers? Overall, can we observe any political effects of such scientific efforts? I address these questions through a qualitative case study analysis of the B-Mincome project. Through an in-depth analysis of this pilot, some of the key factors influencing the (limited) policy and political effects of the pilot project have been identified. The B-Mincome case study shows that the barriers to policy change were in place well before the pilot, and evidently, remained unaltered by it. The political landscape in Barcelona's City Council, its economic powers and institutional context were unchanged by the pilot, and in fact shaped the pilot design, moving it away from the UBI proposal. The B-Mincome experience illustrates the need to accommodate the pilot design to the politics and economics of the experiment, and shows the unintended consequences that such an adaptation of the pilot design may have in relation to its original objectives. In the case of Barcelona, this has meant a move away from a UBI-style pilot design, resulting in very limited effects on the debate or policy design of cash transfers, having a greater policy impact on active polices instead. However, by taking a broader look at Spanish and Catalan politics, our analysis has shown that unexpected factors may end up triggering a debate much more effectively than a pilot project.

Background: Despite the growing attention given to the political process of evidence-based policymaking (EBPM), we still know little about how evidence is processed at the early stages of the policymaking process, especially at the agenda-setting stage. Whether and when political elites pay attention to evidence-based information is crucial to the study of EBPM but also essential to the well-functioning of democracy.Aims and Objectives: The aim of this paper is to cover this gap, by asking whether evidence increases policymaker attention to policy proposals. The working hypothesis is that everything else being constant, evidence should increase policy-maker attention.Methods: To test this hypothesis, this paper relies on a field experiment embedded in a real-life fundraising campaign of an advocacy organisation targeted at the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). The field experiment is embedded in a real-life fundraising campaign of an advocacy organisation targeted at the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs).Findings: Results show that information type matters to policy-maker attention, but evidence is not effective in this respect. Findings also suggest that there are no important differences between political groups and, crucially, that previous policy support does not have an impact on policy-maker attention. This paper shows that that while evidence is essential to the policy process, ideas are key to attract policymakers’ attention at the individual level in the absence of prior demand.Discussion and Conclusion: Overall, findings suggest that empirical information is not a quick pass for policy-maker attention. In this context, other types of information and framing are likely to make a difference. Future studies should analyse how framing may alter political elites’ predisposition to attend empirical evidence.<br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>This paper adds to the literature on evidence-based policymaking by looking at how policymakers react to evidence in the absence of prior demand</li><br /><li>To assess the causal impact of evidence, a field experiment is employed, also increasing the external validity of findings</li><br /><li>Results suggest that political elites pay more attention to ideas rather than evidence-based information</li><br /><li>Findings show that this also applies across political groups and previous policy support</li></ul>

Edozein gizarteratze-politikarako ezinbestekoa gertatzen da gizartearen ahalegin eta ondareak birbanatzea. Gaur eguneko munduan aurrerapen teknologikoei esker aberastasuna ugaltzen den bitartean, enpleguak gutxitu egiten dira, eta premiazkoa da gizartean bizi den ororen artean modu justu batean banatzea bai aberastasuna bai enpleguari eskainitako orduen kopurua. Horretarako, behar-beharrezko gertatzen dira oinarrizko errenta, enplegu-lanaldiaren murrizketa eta hezkuntza inklusiboa. Gako-hitzak:Aberastasunaren banaketa, enplegua, lanaldiaren murrizketa, oinarrizko errenta, hezkuntza inklusiboa.Cualquier política de inclusión exige una sociedad que comparta los esfuerzos y las ganancias. En el actual mundo de grandes avances tecnológicos, que derivan en la supresión de empleos y el incremento exponencial de bienes, es necesario que las riquezas y el tiempo del empleo se repartan de forma justa y equitativa entre todas las personas de la sociedad. A ello deben contribuir la renta básica y la reducción de la jornada laboral, así como una educación inclusiva. Palabras clave:Reparto de la riqueza, empleo, reducción de la jornada laboral, renta básica, educación inclusiva.