This paper examines two productive patterns of reduplication in Skwxwú7mesh (Squamish; Salish), exploring the relation between aspect and verbal number. The paper proposes that the CVC reduplicant, which attaches to both nouns and verbs, is a plural marker; the observed aspectual meanings (e.g., habitual, unbounded iteration) are the salient readings associated with plural events. This paper further proposes that the CV reduplicant, which attaches to verbs only, is an aspectual marker; i.e., it marks the progressive and not a plurality of sub-events. This paper adopts Lasersohn's (1995) account of pluractionality, but proposes that the distributivity requirement is not a necessary condition for plurality in Squamish.

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Temporal/aspectual morphology often serves as a diagnostic for actional classes. Bantu languages are known for their highly developed tense, aspect (and mood) systems. The East Ruvu Bantu languages of Tanzania are unusual in that they exhibit a decidedly reduced set of temporal/aspectual morphemes. This paper contributes to the growing body of research on Bantu actionality in showing that despite not being encoded overtly, perfective distinguishes between at least two actional classes. We suggest, however, that imperfective, morphologically encoded by present and non-past tense morphology, does not clearly delineate between the two verb classes. This discussion highlights the complex interaction between tense and aspect.