By taking a generative approach to the investigation of two phonological patterns (Lvocalization and tone assignment) in the Englishes spoken in Singapore and Hong Kong, this study brings theoretical (generative) linguistics to bear on the claim that Englishization and Nativization are indeed two faces of language contact. In the Englishes of these two places, elements of English and the local languages are inseparably interwoven, giving them the distinct characters of their phonologies. The bilingual and bicultural context makes it unviable for anyone to pursue a narrower acquisition of English that is devoid of local character. Extending from the phonological analysis, this paper explains that the asymmetrical perception of English being a language of Singapore but less so of Hong Kong is due to their differences in degrees of Englishization and Nativization. This explanation avoids the difficulty of having to justify the claim that English in one area is of a higher standard than the other. Other than bringing theoretical linguistics in line with the study of world Englishes, implications are that the curricular development of English for the Outer and Expanding Circles should focus on intelligibility and cultural richness rather than assimilation to Inner Circle standards. BI-DIRECTIONALITY IN LANGUAGE CONTACTWhen languages come in contact, as they have for so long, one of the most obvious of the many interesting things that happen is borrowing. English, for example, has taken many words from other languages from as early as the story of English began (McCrum, Cran, and MacNeil 1986;Baugh and Cable 1993). More recently, we have examples like mango, curry, guanxi which have been borrowed into English. We also have Chinese names like Chan which ends up sounding like [tS h En] rather than [ts h an]. English also gives words to the cultures that it comes into contact with. In Hong Kong, one has examples like [si.tik] for stick or [ba.si] for bus. In Singapore, there are words like arrow taking a verbal interpretation of 'delegating an unpleasant task' in addition to its nominal meaning of a weapon. Eventually, out of this happy exchange new modes of communication are formed, giving us new Englishes such as Indian English, Philippine English, and Singapore English. The contact of English and local cultures has been insightfully described by B. Kachru (1979;1994a) as involving two processes: Englishization and Nativization.(1) The two faces of language contact 1 Language contact Englishization Nativization

This paper explores the six ditonal sandhi that spawn from an inventory of four tones (Low, High, Rising, and Falling) in an attempt to provide an account for why only certain ditonal combinations trigger alternation but not others. Earlier accounts have relied on the OCP to apply to adjacent syllables both at the level of the full tone contour and also the tonal features that comprises the contour. Another account has been to explain sandhi in terms of leveling across syllables so that excessive contours are to be avoided. A careful exploration reveals that neither of these approaches are adequate, nor are some of their stipulations necessary. Instead, a more viable solution might be found if we accept that Tianjin prosody is right-headed such that the prosodic prominence is reflected through tone complexity. To this end, I propose the Head Tone Complexity (HTC) constraint that partners with OCP to generate the attested ditonal sandhi patterns.

Roadmap: Why do we believe that there is such a thing as TONE? What are the articulatory apparatuses relevant for tone production? How is tone notated or transcribed? What are the acoustic correlates of tone? What can tones do in human languages?

This paper provides an argument for Hong Kong English being a tonal language and informs the growing literature on word-and phrase-level prosody interactions. By teasing apart tonal effects that come from intonation and the word boundary, a clear picture emerges that H tones are assigned in all combinations to HKE di-and tri-syllabic words. Tone spreading and blocking can also be seen in HKE across words, but syllables specified for H lexically never give up their tones. Complexity in HKE tone patterns arise when the H tones interact with boundary tones such as the declarative final L% and the word initial M.

In the Tianjin dialect, casual utterance of familiar trisyllabic sequences often induces deletion of phonological segments so that for a trisyllabic string, the non-final syllables would merge into a single syllable. This elide-and-merge process interacts with the rich Tianjin tone sandhi system to produce rather complicated patterns. In this paper, casual speech elision is shown to fall out straightforwardly from a model that recognizes morae as associated with segments and also as tone-bearing units. Thus, elision of morae also removes tonal features. While this understanding provides a clear description of the patterns, it also reveals an ordering paradox: sandhi applies before elision in some cases, but after elision in others. The paradox is resolved by favoring the order that produces a contour tone for the merged syllable. An explanation for this can be found if one recognizes that Tianjin is prosodically iambic.