Surveillance equipment, especially cameras and access-control devices, are increasingly introduced into homes and other private dwellings. Residents use the equipment in their daily lives in places where they are both operators and targets of these systems. Thus far, the concrete practices of these systems' use or the users' feelings towards them have not been investigated. This article sets out to examine the surveillance produced with home surveillance systems and the meanings and implications of that surveillance to the resident.The data consist of 13 interviews conducted in Finland with people who have installed surveillance systems in their homes. Through qualitative content analysis of the interviews, this article argues that five types of surveillance are produced with these systems. The first two types are comparable to traditional understanding of surveillance motivated by control and care. Besides these two, the equipment is used for recreational and communicational surveillance which are motivated by more playful purposes. The fifth type of surveillance analyzed here is 'sincere' surveillance. Domestic surveillance is sincere in the sense that the residents consider it, along with their motives for conducting it, innocent. The users as overseers wish to separate themselves from voyeurs.This article offers important insight into the everyday life practices of surveillance and expands our previous understanding of domestic surveillance. The surveillance produced with home surveillance systems needs to be understood more broadly than in mere control-care-setting. The playful and entertaining usages of the systems, however, do not remove the ambiguities of domestic surveillance.

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A series of 41 individuals were restudied after childhood cancer with a median follow‐up time of 17 years after chest irradiation or treatment with cyclophosphamide or Adriamycin (doxorubicin). Radiotherapy of the chest had been used in 21 patients, and in 13 of these irradiation was also directed at the heart. Thirty‐five patients received cyclophosphamide and five received Adriamycin therapy. All patients were investigated by a pediatric cardiologist. Investigations included an electrocardiogram (ECG), a chest radiographic film, an echocardiogram, an exercise test, and a 24‐hour ECG. Altogether 20 patients (49%) showed some abnormality in cardiac tests. Each additional year of follow‐up was associated with a 1.3‐fold (95% confidence limits, 1.04‐1.66; P < 0.05) increase in the risk for pathologic cardiac findings. The risk for an abnormal cardiac test result in the 13 patients who had received cardiac irradiation was 12.8‐fold (95% confidence limits, 1.8‐90.8; P < 0.02) that of the other patients. However, abnormalities in cardiac function were mild.

This story of Natalija is inspired by Evgeny Zubkov’s artwork titled Russia 2046. The piece depicts an old woman feeding breadcrumbs to drones. We imagine that where the drones are now, there once were birds. What are the relations of these various actors and how can we understand this change? For us, the image of Natalija encapsulates the relationships we as humans can form with non-living creatures, the spaces we share and the practices we engage in. Furthermore, it brings into question the separation lines of post-human and non-human life in an age of learning machines. This story as a whole depicts a future where technologies, in this case self-adapting drones, are introduced into an environment but, as time passes, are left to a state of neglect. In the story, the devices learn to interact with their surroundings, leading to contact and interaction between drones and human. While the story is imaginative, there are several reference points to surveillance research, particularly to questions relating to space/place (how is space under surveillance being produced?), agency (what kind of agency surveillance enables or supports; how is surveillance perceived by the user/target?), and technology (what are the varying contextual roles surveillance techniques are able to take?).