The logic of corruption has seemingly been accepted as a normal part of democratic practices. This article challenges this logic, referring to the successful example of Panggungharjo, a village on the outskirts of Yogyakarta.[1]Without romanticising this village and its experiences, this article seeks to show the decisions and steps necessary for realising change and breaking the chains of transactionalism. Change is only possible if both the supply of and demand for money politics are cut off.  Transformation is only possible when changes occur in supply and demand. In other words, transactionalism can only be avoided in electoral politics when a shift in demand coincides with the stigmatisation of transactional practices.[1]   Administratively, Panggungharjo is part of Bantul Regency. However, it is sociologically a sub-urban part of Yogyakarta City.

In contrast to accounts that explain increases in women’s political representation by reference to structural and institutional factors, this article draws attention to the agency of women candidates. The number of women elected in the Eastern Indonesian province of East Nusa Tenggara ( Nusa Tenggara Timur, NTT) increased markedly in 2019. To explain this increase, this article highlights the remarkable persistence of women candidates, many of whom succeeded in 2019 only after competing in multiple prior elections, slowly building their personal political skills and reputations. The article also draws attention to the effects of positive female role models – showing how a female candidate in a gubernatorial race inspired other women politicians – and the positive effects that can arise from co-operation among women candidates. It shows that, despite the emphasis on male dominance and dynastic power in much of the literature on Indonesian politics, there are still pathways to power for women with origins in the grassroots.

After the fall of Soeharto Regime in 1998, the Reform Era in Indonesia began by promoted freedom and autonomy. The centralized approach based on the New Order’s Act No. 5/1974 was replaced by the Act No. 22/1999 on Local Government Autonomy by gave considerable authority to regencies (kabupaten) and municipalities (kota or kotamadya). Some of the scholars labelled the Act No. 22/1999 as “one of the most radical decentralization programs attempted anywhere in the world” (Aspinall 2003: 3). Several years later Act No. 22/1999 was replaced by Act No. 32/2004. Some scholars have suggested that Act No. 32/2004 indicates “recentralization” in the sense that it strengthens the central government by giving it a degree of control over administrative and fiscal matters (Pratikno 2009: 57; Buehler 2009: 102). However, the significant point in the Act No. 32/2004 which introduced direct local head election mechanism for electing local government head was the structural opportunities for women to take greater leadership in local politics. As result, the direct local election from 2005 until 2017 demonstrates the trend of increasing number female political leaders elected as governors/regents/mayors in local politics in post-Suharto (see figure 1).