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State sovereignty is customarily connected to the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, which it is argued established the ideal of political authority being tied to static geographical containers. While academic scholarship has demonstrated that this ideal fails to account for performative and fluid modes of political power, Westphalian sovereignty remains an influential feature of political discourse. This article argues that Westphalian sovereignty consequently fits Ulrich Beck’s description of a ‘zombie category’, a dead social institution kept alive in political and public discussion. This is demonstrated in the context of the Australian State’s exclusion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, as well as asylum seekers arriving by boat. Drawing on Giorgio Agamben’s theories of sovereignty, I contend that these populations are excluded from the Australian polity because of how they move, while other subjects including ‘genuine refugees’ and European settlers are included due to their ideal (im)mobilities. I argue that this underlying mobile logic of Australian sovereignty and exclusion is hidden by the zombie notion of a static Australian state, which delegitimatizes humanitarian and indigenous claims to sovereignty based on experiences of forced mobility and mobile expressions of political authority.

While the scientific rationale for climate change mitigation has never been stronger, the Australian public is still hesitant about personally contributing to its costs. This public reticence is often explained as resulting from cost–benefit calculations and a human propensity to prioritize present over future goods. In this article we argue that these assumptions have limited bearing on people’s willingness to contribute. Our research supports this by demonstrating that the people of Lisbon, Portugal, are more willing to contribute than those of Adelaide, despite Portugal’s poorer economic conditions. Furthermore, willingness to contribute in both Lisbon and Adelaide does not diminish when the effects of climate change are deemed to be further away. Drawing on these results, we seek to begin the discussion of how social and cultural factors shape public attitudes towards climate change, and thus further build upon the research looking sociologically at people’s willingness to act.

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