This paper discusses the underlying causes behind the masculinization of poverty during the period of 1957-1981 in Sweden. Testable hypotheses are derived from a theoretical framework. The findings suggest that the male role as breadwinner disappeared during the analysed period. Lowly educated men and especially male immigrant labour lost their labour market position when industrial society gave way to a new post-industrial society, with an expanding service sector bringing numerous new employment opportunities for women. When sick or unemployed, social assistance was the only social security these men had available. On the other hand, the welfare-state expansion targeted women, particularly single mothers and widows, and thus reduced the number of native women claiming social assistance. The findings also point to the process character of the masculinization of poverty, arguing that women gained significantly more than men from the expansion of the welfare state.
PurposeThere is ongoing debate amongst in-work poverty researchers as to how to answer the question “who is counted as in-work poor?” and how to define the minimum size of work that should be used to determine a “working threshold”. The purpose of this paper aims to contribute to this debate by testing five different definitions of a “working threshold” and discussing their implications when testing the different measurement outcomes.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use data from Statistics Sweden (SCB), including the total population registered as living in Sweden for each year from 1987 to 2017. All calculations are on a yearly basis and in fixed prices (2017). The data set used is based on linked administrative data retrieved from Statistics Sweden and the software used is SAS 9.4.FindingsResults show how in-work poverty trends differ by measurement approach. The two definitions with the lowest income thresholds are found to include a very heterogenic group of individuals. The development of in-work poverty in Sweden over 30 years show decreasing in-work poverty during the first decade followed by an increase to almost the same levels at the end of the period. In-work poverty in Sweden has transformed from being female-dominated in 1987 and the typical person in in-work poverty 2017 is a male immigrant, aged 26–55 years.Practical implicationsThis methodological discussion might lead to a new definition of who is a worker amongst the in-work poor, which could consequently affect who is counted as being in in-work poverty and lead to new social policy measures.Originality/valueThis is, to the authors' knowledge, the first time different definitions of work requirement used to define in-work poverty have been tested on a data set including the total population and over a period of 30 years.
In this report, youths are divided into three different groups:Native-born with at least one native-born parent Descendant: native-born with two foreign-born parents Foreign-born with two foreign-born parents Fact box 2Definitions for childcare and education used in the text Childcare: a collective term for family day care and preschool activities. Preschool: early childhood education as a whole, usually for children aged 1-6 years, until they start primary school. The definition is common in Nordic countries and comparing with international definitions includes both Nursery (for children aged 6 weeks to 3-5 years) and Preschool (in the meaning early childhood education and care for children aged 3-5 to 6 years) Primary school: a mandatory school that starts at the age 6-7 years (Lower) Secondary school: a mandatory school that starts at the age 12-13 years Upper Secondary education: starts around the age 15-16 years Vocational education: training in skills and teaching of knowledge related to a specific trade, occupation or vocation, part of secondary or tertiary education, starts around age 15-16 years Tertiary education or Higher education: post-secondary education that starts from the age 18 and has no upper limit
We studied the development, profile, and income mobility among individuals in in-work poverty in Sweden over a period of 30 years using data covering the entire population on a yearly basis from 1987 to 2016. By introducing a more solid work requirement that stretches over more time than the frequently used ‘seven-month rule’, we make sure that the in-work poor person in our study is mainly working. Our results show that the profile has changed: in 1987, the typical in-work poor person was a native-born single woman, but in 2016, they were a married man born outside of Sweden. When modelling income mobility over two 5-year periods, our results show that changes in household composition explain both upward and downward mobility and that it has become harder to change income position. Interpreting the results on a structural level, two conclusions can be drawn. As in-work poverty is no longer female-dominated, the Swedish policy for gender equality has been successful. As it is now closely connected with immigration status, the integration of immigrants into the labour market must improve.
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