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Two experiments tested whether the relation between automatic prejudice and discriminatory behavior is moderated by 2 conscious processes: conscious egalitarian beliefs and behavioral control. The authors predicted that, when both conscious processes are deactivated, automatic prejudice would elicit discriminatory behavior. When either of the 2 processes is activated, behavioral bias would be eliminated. The authors assessed participants' automatic attitudes toward gay men, conscious beliefs about gender, behavioral control, and interactions with gay confederates. In Experiment 1, men's beliefs about gender were heterogeneous, whereas women's beliefs were mostly egalitarian; men's responses supported the predictions, but women's responses did not. In Experiment 2, the authors recruited a sample with greater diversity in gender-related beliefs. Results showed that, for both sexes, automatic prejudice produced biased behavior in the absence of conscious egalitarian beliefs and behavioral control. The presence of either conscious process eliminated behavioral bias.

Past research has shown specific situational interventions can reduce implicit prejudice against outgroups, but nothing is known about who is most sensitive to these situations and whether they influence behavior. The present study examined the combined influence of short-term situational exposure to admired outgroup members (gays and lesbians) and individual differences in prior long-term contact on implicit antigay attitudes and discriminatory behavioral intentions (voting). Results showed that in the absence of any intervention, participants with little contact with gays and lesbians showed more implicit antigay attitudes and discriminatory voting intentions than participants with high contact. However, after the short-term intervention, participants, regardless of prior contact, showed low levels of implicit prejudice and discriminatory voting intentions. The observed reduction of bias in implicit attitudes and behavioral intentions occurred independently; attitude change did not mediate behavioral change. We suggest that different underlying mechanisms drive changes in implicit attitudes versus explicit behavioral intentions.

Racism can be manifest at the cultural, institutional and individual levels, and can exert effects at the intrapersonal level if targeted individuals internalize attitudes toward their own racial/ethnic groups. The general aim of this article is to examine the ways in which all levels of racism undermine the development of peer relations, one component of social capital; and consequently affect the health and well-being of targeted individuals. The evidence suggests that cultural racism inculcates attitudes that may foster race-related social distancing; institutional racism isolates individuals from the opportunities to develop the skills needed to develop cross race-relations and promotes engagement with peers who exhibit antisocial behavior; interpersonal racism may erode the quality of routine interpersonal exchanges and engender anxiety about interacting with cross-race peers; and internalized racism may undermine the benefits of cross-race peer interactions. To the degree that racism affects the ability to form, maintain and benefit from peer relationships, it can contribute to racial disparities in economic, social and health-related outcomes and undermine the types of social cohesion that promote national unity.

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