Negotiating 'neighbourliness' in Sarajevo apartment blocks 42 Zaira Lofranco 3 Border crossings, shame and (re-)narrating the past in the Ukrainian-Romanian borderlands 58 Kathryn Cassidy 4 Travelling genealogies: tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian-Montenegrin borderland 80 Jelena Tošić 5 Living on borrowed time: borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel 102 Robin A. Harper and Hani Zubida 6 New pasts, presents and futures: time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe 121 Carolin Leutloff-Grandits

This book explores how crossing borders entails shifting time as well as geographical location. Spaces may be bordered by both territory and time: in spatial practices, memories and narratives, and in the hopes and fears that anchor an imagined community's history to a given (imagined) territory. Those who cross borders must, therefore, negotiate not only the borders themselves, but the practices, memories and narratives that differentiate and define the time-spaces they enclose. Bordercrossers -and those who find that old borders have moved -must come to terms with the novel intersections of the temporal and the spatial they encounter. In this volume, we focus on the perspectives of those whose borders have shifted, as well as on those who themselves cross borders -exploring their subjectivities in the context of spaces that are not just physically separated but also zoned in time (Giddens 1991: 148).Migrating borders and moving times examines how people interpret life after moving across a political border, as well as their reactions to their 're-placement' when a national border has itself been moved around. Our contributors seek to grasp how such changes are understood -emotionally, in terms of (new) futures and pasts; as part of trans-border community or network formation; and in terms of the time-space materiality of border-crossing bodies and things. The 'moving' in the title of our book thus indexes both mobility and affect, since when something 'moves' us, it stirs an emotional response. How do different groups -contract workers, labour migrants and smugglers -conceptualise the borders they have crossed or those recently imposed upon them? How are those who have crossed defined by 'host' populations; and with what new eyes do they view themselves in time and place, reworking their relationships to the times and spaces of both their 'own' and the 'other side'?In order to answer these questions, we focus on borders that are embedded in specific political contexts, which we refer to throughout as 'polity' borders. These enclose and define areas controlled by national or supranational state authorities. They often appear as lines on a map, claiming a physical presence. On the ground,

Social movements studies: Examining and understanding the mobilization, life and effects of sets of loosely organized networks that share a solidaristic identity based on counter-hegemonic narratives and values, launching public protests on behalf of "alternative imaginaries".

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Many years have passed since temperance was treated solely as an expression of "status anxiety," "social control," or "internalization of bourgeois norms." 1 In the past decade, historians have documented how temperance functioned as part of liberation and empowerment movements: in Chartism, Irish patriotism, women's suffrage, and Russian socialism. 2 In this article, I will discuss the role of temperance in turn-of-the-century Swedish suffrage movements, with particular attention to its use by the Swedish Social Democratic Workers' party. In 1866, Sweden had a new, two-house parliament. An indirect franchise reserved the Upper House for the rich: aristocrats, industrialists, and government functionaries. The Lower House was comparatively open; its electorate consisted of Swedish males either of substantial property or with an income of over 800 crowns a year (workers usually earned between 400 and 600). About 23 percent of adult males, or 6 percent of the total population, could vote in Lower House elections. 3 Until 1898, the only cohesive parliamentary group was the Farmers' party. The farmers were not illiberal: They opposed state spending and militarism and-at least until the 1880s-were in favor of moderate suffrage reform. A more resolutely democratic opposition also existed in the cities, where progressive notables, academics, and writers, as well as workers' and artisans' associations, maintained traditions of working-class or "small folk" representation. Franchise restrictions and insufficient organization, however, delayed the formation of a liberal political party. That event had to await the creation of a network of national, grassroots liberal political organizations. 4 By the 1890s, such organizations had been formed, primarily through the activities of Sweden's religious dissent and temperance "folk movements." 5 Of these, the free church movement was the oldest. Imported from Britain and the United States in the 1840s and 1860s, by 1890 it had approximately 110,000 members (out of a Swedish population of about five million). 6 In Sweden, as elsewhere, dissenters supported freedom of coalition and expression and opposed the state church, stances which often led them into political alliances with the left. 7