Autologous blood injection is a primary technique for the treatment of lateral epicondylitis. Sonography can be used to guide injections and monitor changes to the common extensor origin.

In addition to its beneficial effect on patient survival, the implanted cardioverter defibrillator (ICD) changes a patient's life physically, socially, and psychologically. For improved patient management, it is important to understand the quality-of-life changes that accompany this mode of treatment. To this end, 119 patients were surveyed retrospectively and interviewed concurrently regarding their emotional, physical, and behavioral responses to ICD shocks and to the device itself. Most (55%) correctly estimated the total number of shocks they had received within a 10% margin. They found the shocks severe, 79% assigning a score between 3 and 5 on a scale of 1-5. Common descriptions of the shock sensation were a blow to the body or a spasm causing the entire body to jump. Most patients tolerated the shocks as lifesaving, but 23% dreaded shocks and 5% even said they would rather be without the ICD and take their chances. After a shock, 50% of patients called their physician and 42% continued their daily routine. Thirty percent went to a hospital emergency room or called a rescue service. Sixty-five percent had no preshock prodromes. Fifty-four percent were interested in the programmable option of a warning signal prior to a shock, while 31% preferred no warning. Of the 74% who were advised not to drive after implantation, 29% drove anyway. Five patients were shocked while driving with no resulting accidents. We conclude that most patients find ICD shocks moderately uncomfortable, but they tolerate them because of the lifesaving protection provided by the device.

No abstract

The size of intrasubstance tears and presence of a lateral collateral ligament tear on ultrasound can be used to assess lateral elbow tendinopathy severity, indicate those who may not respond to nonoperative therapy, and potentially guide more invasive treatment. Those patients with a large intrasubstance tear or tears identified on ultrasound are less likely to respond to nonoperative treatment. Presence of neovascularity has little correlation with change in pain severity or functional disability and may be a poor predictor of prognosis.

Asians, and how state-sponsored violence against these communities has reflected that psychology; and (3) to illuminate how the interrelationship among different systems of subordination serves to normalize such violence. 3 There is a danger that hate violence against Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians is understood as a passing, or past, phenomenon. Such an assumption ignores the steady stream of violence directed against these communities long after September 11. Nearly two years after the terrorist attacks, this violence continued, including: the stabbing in the back of a Muslim woman in Virginia, while her perpetrator called her a "terrorist pig" 4 ; the brutal beating of a Hindu pizza delivery man in Massachusetts who was mistaken for a Muslim'; and a cross-burning in front of an Islamic center in Maryland. 6 Events such as these suggest that, rather than an isolated phenomenon, the racialization of Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians after September 11 is ongoing. Indeed, the reconstruction of Arab, Muslim, and South Asian identity after September 11 constitutes a major shift in American racial conceptualization. Hate violence has played a major role in this process, and continues to do so. 7 Moreover, the very persistence of this violence suggests that it and underlying biases toward Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians have been normalized. By situating post-September 11 violence within the history of hate violence in the United States, we can begin to understand how the recent experiences of Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians figure into an American tradition of violence as a means of racial differentiation. However, such historical context also suggests that the violence directed toward Arabs, 3. I realize that in focusing attention on the violence done to Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians in the United States, I open myself up to the criticism that I am implicitly downgrading the magnitude of the violence done to the victims of the September 11 attacks. I have no interest in a comparison of victimhood. The killings of September 11, the hate killings post-September 11, and the killings of innocent civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq all result in the loss of life. If one is serious about the proposition that all life is equal, then all killings are and should be subject to scrutiny.