This paper presents the results of an articulatory study of palatalized consonants in Polish, a language with a typologically rare concentration of two phonemic series of posterior sibilants, one inherently palatalized, and the other contextually (allophonically) palatalized. For both phonemic and allophonic palatalization in Polish, it was found that the most stable correlates of palatalization are the advancement of the tongue root and a combined effect of raising and fronting of the tongue body. The advancement of the tongue root can be interpreted as the driving force in palatalization, while the effect of tongue body fronting and raising can be seen as secondary, resulting from the movement of the tongue root and the characteristic of the tongue as a muscular hydrostat.

Our previous research on perception of gated casual English by university students suggests that ceteris paribus, Polish students are much more accurate than Greeks. A recent pilot study of casually-spoken Polish leads us to the conclusion that many shortcuts found in English are also common in Polish, so that similar perceptual strategies can be used in both languages, though differing in detail. Based on these preliminary results, it seems likely that perceptual strategies across languages tend towards the “eagle” approach - where a birds-eye view of the acoustic terrain without too much emphasis on detail is found - or the “roadrunner” approach, where phonetic detail is followed closely. In the former case, perceivers adjust easily to alternation caused by casual speech phonology while in the latter, perceivers expect little variation and possibly even find it confusing. Native speakers of Greek are “roadrunners”, since there is little phonological reduction in their language there is little difference, for example, between stressed and unstressed syllables. We suggest that native speakers of Polish join English speakers as “eagles”, which gives them a natural perceptual advantage in English. There is a conceptual similarity between this idea and that of the stress- or syllable-timed language, and we hypothesise that as in this case, there is a cline rather than a sharp division between eagles and roadrunners. As usual, more research is called for.

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Phonetic studies of Polish mention allophonic variation in Polish vowels, in that there is a systematic effect of the prepalatal consonant context. In particular, [u] is fronted, [ɛ] is raised, [a] is fronted and sometimes raised, and [ɔ] is fronted following a prepalatal consonant. Additionally, phonemic [i] is excluded after non-palatalized consonants, and the phonemic [ɨ] does not occur after prepalatals. Although X-ray data for Polish speech production exists from the 50s and 60s, no X-ray images are available of the contextual variants of vowels adjacent to prepalatal consonants. In this study, we present 3-D tongue shapes of the vowels in neutral and prepalatal contexts. The data show a combination of raising and fronting of the tongue body for all front vowels, and also a consistent effect of tongue root advancement.

This paper presents acoustic and articulatory (ultrasound) data on vowel reduction in Polish. The analysis focuses on the question of whether the change in formant value in unstressed vowels can be explained by duration-driven undershoot alone or whether there is also evidence for additional stress-specific articulatory mechanisms that systematically affect vowel formants. On top of the expected durational differences between the stressed and unstressed conditions, the duration is manipulated by inducing changes in the speech rate. The observed vowel formants are compared to expected formants derived from the articulatory midsagittal tongue data in different conditions. The results show that the acoustic vowel space is reduced in size and raised in unstressed vowels compared to stressed vowels. Most of the spectral reduction can be explained by reduced vowel duration, but there is also an additional systematic effect of F1-lowering in unstressed non-high vowels that does not follow from tongue movement. The proposed interpretation is that spectral vowel reduction in Polish behaves largely as predicted by the undershoot model of vowel reduction, but the effect of undershoot is enhanced for low unstressed vowels, potentially by a stress marking strategy which involves raising the fundamental frequency.