The goal of this article is to introduce a new category into international political economy-the global household-and to begin to widen the focus of international political economy to include nonmarket transactions and noncapitalist production. As an economic institution composed of transnational extended families and codwellers (including international migrants and family members left behind in countries of origin), the global household is engaged in coordinating international migration, sending and receiving billions of dollars in remittances, and organizing and conducting market- and non-market-oriented production on an international scale. We first trace the discursive antecedents of the global household concept to theories of the household as a site of noncapitalist production and to feminist ethnographies of transnational families. In order to demonstrate the potential significance and effect of this newly recognized institution, we estimate the aggregate population of global households, the size and distribution of remittances, and the magnitude and sectoral scope of global household production. We then examine the implications of the global household concept for three areas of inquiry: globalization, economic development, and the household politics of economic transformation. Finally, we briefly explore the possibilities for research and activism opened up by a feminist, postcapitalist international political economy centered on the global household.

In this article, we present a method for valuing the multidimensional aspects of urban commons. This method draws from and contributes to a broader conception of social or community returns on investment, using the case and data of a vibrant project, strategy, and model of ecological resilience, R‐Urban, on the outskirts of Paris. R‐Urban is based on networks of urban commons and collective hubs supporting civic resilience practices. We use data from 2015, the year before one of the hubs was evicted from its site by a municipal administration that could not see the value of an “urban farm” compared to a parking lot. We combine estimates of the direct revenues generated for a host of activities that took place in R‐Urban, including an urban farm, community recycling centre, a greenhouse, community kitchen, compost school, café, a teaching space, and a mini‐market. We then estimate the market value of volunteer labour put into running the sites, in addition to the value of training and education conducted through formal and informal channels, and the new jobs and earnings that were generated due to R‐Urban activity. Finally, we estimate the monetary value of the savings made by an environmentally conscious design that focused on water recycling, soil and biodiversity improvement, and social and health benefits, breaking them down by savings to the organization, participants and households involved in R‐Urban itself, as well as savings to the state and the planet. Although our article is built on specific quantities from a concrete project, the method has wide applicability to urban commons of many types seeking to demonstrate the worth and value of all their many facets and activities.

Organizational scholars pay insufficient attention to noncapitalist enterprises, which limits management theorizing. This article is based on a participatory action research project conducted in the town of Asbury Park in New Jersey, where community researchers attempted to map the solidarity economy of the region in order to promote a different kind of economic development. It presents the findings of the project, which involved investigating the economy and surveying collective forms of organizing in sectors such as agriculture and finance. Examining the welldeveloped Brazilian solidarity economy movement as contextual background, the lessons from that movement could prove useful to incipient US efforts. Using the findings of the Asbury Park project, the significance and implications of supply chains in sustaining alternative economies will be explored.

In debates over post-capitalist politics, growing attention has been paid to the solidarity economy (SE), a framework that draws together diverse practices ranging from co-ops to community gardens. Despite proponents' commitment to inclusion, racial and class divides suffuse the SE movement. Using qualitative fieldwork and an original SE dataset, this article examines the geospatial composition of the SE within the segregated geography of Philadelphia. We find that though the SE as a whole is widely distributed across the city, it is, with the exception of community gardens, largely absent from poor neighborhoods of color. We also identify SE clusters in racially and economically diverse border areas rather than in predominantly affluent White neighborhoods. Such findings complicate claims about the SE's emancipatory potential and underscore the need for its realignment towards people of color and the poor. We conclude with examples of how the SE might more fully address racial injustice. Resumen: En los debates sobre la política post-capitalista se ha prestado cada vez mas atención a la economía solidaria (ES), marco teórico que reúne diversas prácticas que abarcan desde cooperativas hasta huertos comunitarios. A pesar del compromiso de los proponentes con la inclusión, las divisiones raciales y de clase permean el movimiento de la ES. Utilizando trabajo cualitativo de campo y un levantamiento de datos original, este artículo examina la composición geo-espacial de la ES en el contexto de la segregación espacial de Filadelfia. Observamos que aunque la ES como un todo está ampliamente distribuida por toda la ciudad, está ausente en los barrios pobres de color, con la excepción de los huertos comunitarios. También identificamos grupos de ES en zonas fronterizas, racial y económicamente diversas, más que en barrios predominantemente ricos y blancos. Estos hallazgos complican las afirmaciones acerca del potencial emancipatorio de la ES y subrayan la necesidad de su realineación hacia las personas de color y los pobres. Concluimos con ejemplos de cómo la SE podría abordar más plenamente la injusticia racial.

In the last 30 years, the social and linguistic articulation of the Afghan in Pakistan and Iran has gone from muhajir [refugee], to migrant, and even to terrorist. This article provides an overview of that transformation to demonstrate that it depends more on external factors rather than any fundamental change in the conditions structuring Afghan migration. Examining the migration regime operating between Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran further confirms the problems of a refugee/migrant dualism.