Homeless persons tend to die younger than the housed population and have complex, often unmet, end-of-life care needs. High levels of illicit drug use among this population are a particular challenge for health and social services professionals involved in end-of-life care services delivery. This article explores the challenges of end-of-life care services to homeless illicit drug users based on data collected during a national study on end-of-life care services delivery to homeless persons in Canada. The authors conducted qualitative interviews with 50 health and social services professionals involved in health services delivery to homeless persons in five cities. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed thematically. Themes were organised into two domains. First, barriers preventing homeless illicit drug users from accessing end-of-life care services, such as competing priorities (e.g. withdrawal management), lack of trust in healthcare providers and discrimination. Second, challenges to end-of-life care services delivery to this population in health and social care settings, including non-disclosure of illicit drug use, pain and symptom management, interruptions in care, and lack of experience with addictions. The authors identify a need for increased research on the role of harm reduction in end-of-life care settings to address these challenges.

BackgroundHomeless and marginally housed persons who use alcohol and/or illicit drugs often have end-of-life care needs that go unmet due to barriers that they face to accessing end-of-life care services. Many homeless and marginally housed persons who use these substances must therefore rely upon alternate sources of end-of-life care and support. This article explores the role of harm reduction services in end-of-life care services delivery to homeless and marginally housed persons who use alcohol and/or illicit drugs.MethodsA qualitative case study design was used to explore end-of-life care services delivery to homeless and marginally housed persons in six Canadian cities. A key objective was to explore the role of harm reduction services. 54 health and social services professionals participated in semi-structured qualitative interviews. All participants reported that they provided care and support to this population at end-of-life.ResultsHarm reduction services (e.g., syringe exchange programs, managed alcohol programs, etc.) were identified as a critical point-of-entry to and source of end-of-life care and support for homeless and marginally housed persons who use alcohol and/or illicit drugs. Where possible, harm reduction services facilitated referrals to end-of-life care services for this population. Harm reduction services also provided end-of-life care and support when members of this population were unable or unwilling to access end-of-life care services, thereby improving quality-of-life and increasing self-determination regarding place-of-death.ConclusionsWhile partnerships between harm reduction programs and end-of-life care services are identified as one way to improve access, it is noted that more comprehensive harm reduction services might be needed in end-of-life care settings if they are to engage this underserved population.

BackgroundHomeless populations have complex and diverse end-of-life care needs. However, they typically die outside of the end-of-life care system. To date, few studies have explored barriers to the end-of-life care system for homeless populations. This qualitative study involving health and social services professionals from across Canada sought to identify barriers to the end-of-life care system for homeless populations and generate recommendations to improve their access to end-of-life care.MethodsSemi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with 54 health and social services professionals involved in end-of-life care services delivery to homeless persons in six Canadian cities (Halifax, Hamilton, Ottawa, Thunder Bay, Toronto and Winnipeg). Participants included health administrators, physicians, nurses, social workers, harm reduction specialists, and outreach workers. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and analysed thematically.ResultsParticipants identified key barriers to end-of-life care services for homeless persons, including: (1) insufficient availability of end-of-life care services; (2) exclusionary operating procedures; and, (3) poor continuity of care. Participants identified recommendations that they felt had the potential to minimize these barriers, including: (1) adopting low-threshold strategies (e.g. flexible behavioural policies and harm reduction strategies); (2) linking with population-specific health and social care providers (e.g. emergency shelters); and, (3) strengthening population-specific training.ConclusionsHomeless persons may be underserved by the end-of-life care system as a result of barriers that they face to accessing end-of-life care services. Changes in the rules and regulations that reflect the health needs and circumstances of homeless persons and measures to improve continuity of care have the potential to increase equity in the end-of-life care system for this underserved population.

Notably the nature of the relationship between religious coping and emotional adjustment depended on the type of religious coping strategy as well as the specific time of assessment. Specificity of information in the use of religious coping can allow health-care professionals to better identify resources and address potential points of difficulty during the process of women's adjustment to breast cancer.

Although volunteers are widely acknowledged as important members of the palliative care team, their unique contribution to whole-person care has not been well documented or theorized, especially in rural communities. We conducted a focused ethnography in a small rural community, asking key community informants about their understanding of the role of hospice volunteers with dying people and their families. Our results show that these volunteers inhabit a unique third culture of care that fuses elements of formal care with the informal visiting of friends and neighbours. Their role is shaped to a community context where dying is not a private medical event, but rather a whole-person-in-community event, and where care is offered as a natural expression of the interdependence and reciprocity that characterizes rural community life. Our results are a reminder that it takes an entire community to care for the dying, and that hospice volunteers are a crucial link in the network of care that allows people to die with dignity and quality of life.