Recursive NPs are difficult to produce and late to emerge. We compare prosodic and syntactic abilities in Japanese-speaking five- and six-year-olds (n = 28) and adults (n = 10). It is reported that syntactic structure in Japanese is prosodically marked via downstep and metrical boost. Results of an elicited imitation task suggested that children had acquired the lexical prosody (contrast between accented and unaccented words), a pre-requisite for downstep realization. While downstep, the prosodic phrasing involved in the complex NPs in this study, was established, children showed interspeaker variation with the metrical boost, a feature that distinguishes recursively embedded NPs from non-recursive NPs. However, variability was also found in adults, indicating that, in contrast to previous results, prosodic encoding of syntax is generally unreliable in adult speech. Finally, the magnitude of metrical boost was not correlated to children's ability to produce recursive possessives, suggesting that prosody does not help bootstrap Japanese children's recursive phrases.

Japanese has contrasts between onsets romanized as singletons and Cy clusters (e.g., kaku ‘rank’ vs. kyaku ‘guest’). It is uncertain whether Cy should be treated as a distinctively palatalized consonant /Cy/ or as a /Cy/ cluster; the phonetic realization is compatible with either. A distributional argument favoring the /Cy/ analysis is the neutralization of the contrast before front vowels: Ci, Ce, *Cyi, *Cye; the absence of */Cyi/ and */Cye/ follows automatically from */yi/ and */ye/. In this paper, high vowel devoicing is used as a diagnostic to investigate this phonemicization issue. A production experiment was conducted, comparing the rates of vowel devoicing in words containing Cu/iC and CyuC sequences (e.g., maputa vs. mapyuta). The devoicing rate was significantly lower in CyuC than in Cu/iC. This supports the cluster analysis /Cy/ (with the /y/ inhibiting devoicing) over the singleton analysis /Cy/ for the onset palatalized consonants of Japanese.

It has been proposed that Japanese downstep, in which the pitch register is lowered after an accented phrase, is sensitive to certain syntactic boundaries. In this paper, we investigate whether downstep is blocked at the relative clause boundary in a production experiment with ten speakers. The results suggest that it does not block downstep. On the other hand, there is a difference between adjectives and verbs when they are used attributively with a head noun: Downstep is observed robustly in the verb condition, whereas there is much inter-speaker variation in the adjective condition. Taken together with the results of past research, we propose that the different patterns found by syntactic category, in particular, adjectives, verbs, and nouns, may be explained by assuming speakers’ knowledge of the behavior of these categories that is activated when they pronounce the phrase. Nouns and verbs are readily available as a combined concept in Japanese and thus downstep is not blocked, whereas combinations of adjectives are not so readily available, and thus speakers may insert a boundary, breaking up a phrase that would otherwise constitute a single domain for downstep.

No abstract

In pursuing the mapping between syntax and phonology/prosody, little attention has been paid to the kinds of syntactic information that can affect prosody. In this paper, we explore Japanese downstep, a process in phrasal phonology. What syntactic information affects downstep and what does not? Specifically, do lexical categories affect downstep? We investigate the effects of nouns, adjectives, and verbs in different syntactic settings (e.g., [X1 [X2 N]], [[X1 X2] N], predicative X) through production experiments. We found that adjectives in [X1 [X2 N]] may block downstep, whereas adjectives in other structures as well as nouns and verbs generally do not block it. We analyze this phonological patterning as being derivative of an interaction between syntactic structures and lexical categories.