Why study how urban segregation and school segregation fit together? Urban segregation and school segregation have traditionally been studied in French sociology as parts of two important but distinct fields: one concerned with urban life, the other with education. These two research areas developed parallel to each other, with only a few points where they meet or developed common projects. Nevertheless, the distribution of school provision in the greater Paris metropolitan area, including the availability of certain courses and study programs, is strongly correlated with the social profiles of the different localities and corresponds to sharp disparities. The highly diversified, attractive school options in localities whose residents are highly privileged in socioeconomic and occupational terms stand in contrast to the less diversified educational resources, including fewer course and study-program options, and reduced private school presence in more markedly working-class municipalities. Different approaches to school choice are strongly linked to parents' socioeconomic status but do not amount merely to practices for avoiding stigmatized middle schools in workingclass localities. Those approaches make sense when considered in relation to what may be tightly circumscribed social and school environments and differentiated social positions and demands. The results presented here call into question the effectiveness of school-districting rules in France aimed at regulating the social profile of middle schools.From its beginnings, and in line with the pioneering studies of the Chicago School, French urban sociology has always considered the division or differentiation of social space a fundamental theme. This approach produced, on the one hand, mainly quantitative studies measuring social and spatial segregation along with analysis of how segregation has evolved over time, and on the other hand, more qualitative, localefocused analyses of social practices and urban ways of life. Seldom has an attempt been made to combine these two ways of proceeding systematically. We have maps and

In French cities, because of a rigid school catchment area policy based on students’ place of residence, there is a strong correlation between socio-residential segregation and school segregation. But the latter is not merely a simple, mechanical reflection of the former. Many processes (the choice of private schools or of specific and very often selective and rare curricula that make it possible to avoid the local public middle school; disability; siblings; personal convenience) contribute to exacerbating the correlation. Using data from the Ministry of Education, the current paper develops a typology of middle schools according to their socio-economic composition (using Correspondence Analysis and Hierarchical Agglomerative Classification), and looks at their unequal spatial distribution across the Paris metropolitan area. We measure school segregation using classical indices, and show that school segregation is higher than socio-residential segregation, particularly for students from upper-middle class backgrounds and for students from working class backgrounds. The spatial analysis of segregation, when compared with test scores, reveals strong inequalities between locations. The impact of school segregation on school success has been mainly analysed in terms of the effect of students’ social background. If one looks at the number of top tier marks (‘mention bien et très bien’) obtained at the final middle school exam in the Paris metropolitan area from 2006 to 2012, it is possible to see that girls and boys are not equally sensitive to these contextual effects. Based on logistic regressions, the analysis of the interactions between individual characteristics (socio-economic background and gender) and contextual variables (the school’s status [private/public], its location, its socio-economic composition) gives a more complex picture. This raises both methodological and political questions that suggest the need for an intersectional approach. Such a finding presents a challenge not only for social scientists studying segregation and school inequalities, but also for policy makers who want to reinforce mixed schooling.

Cet article analyse de façon comparée les émeutes et le mouvement étudiant anti-CPE. Ces mouvements reposent tous les deux sur une mobilisation de la jeunesse, mais les dimensions les plus structurantes ne sont pas identiques. Les émeutes révèlent un sentiment de relégation et un profond ressentiment qui renvoient simultanément aux dimensions ethnoraciales et sociales. Mais elles ne se sont pas développées uniquement sur la base de l'âge et de l'appartenance sociale, elles mettent en jeu également des formes urbaines liées à la ségrégation des populations précaires immigrées ou issues de l'immigration. La ségrégation renforce l'imbrication entre toutes ces dimensions et participe d'une lecture du monde social et de sa propre expérience en termes de discrimination. Cette lecture tend à se diffuser à l'ensemble des domaines de la société.

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Oberti Marco et Rivière Clément,« Les effets imprévus de l'assouplissement de la carte scolaire » Une perception accrue des inégalités scolaires et urbaines,