This paper explores the ways in which the imagery and vocabulary of emotion circulated to create affective communities of mission in the missionary texts of Empire, bringing Indian and British subjects into the 'heart' of colonial difference. In so doing, we argue, emotion is revealed as another dimension of the ways in wh ich racialised power circulated to construct what Mrinalini Sinha usefully terms "the imperial social formation" of both colony and metropole. 2 In the missionary texts we consider here, there is a multidimensional flow of emotion, affective relations and social control inflected by race, dass and gender. These texts are concemed to elicit the 'right feeling' and correct relations required to produce the social bodies of 'good Christian women'-missionaries, bible women and converts, in a transnational space designed for Indian and British women to share Christian 'true feeling'. This shared feeling was, however, firmly predicated on the divisive binaries of racialised power. While the representational spectrum of the missionary texts focuses on the objects of their endeavour, Indian women and children, these texts are crucially about their au, dience. As Sara Ahmed has noted in analysing a fundraising letter from Christian Aid, a 21st century descendant of the missionary publications considered here, It focuses on the emotions of the reader who is interpellated as "you", as the one who "probably" has certain feelings about the suffering and pain of others ... To this extent, rhe letter is not about the other, but about the readers: the reader's feelings are the ones that are addressed, and which are the "subject" of the letter. 3In much the same way, the nineteenth century missionary publications we analyse are firmly geared to an audience 'at horne', rather than in India. This limits our ability to ascertain much about how the affective cornmunities constructed in and through the missionary texts played out for the Indian subjects of the missionary discourse. Sinha's caution that "The real challenge of bringing the metropole and the colony together wirhin an 'imperial social formation', however, is to recognize simultaneously the specificities of their separate im' perial locations'" serves as areminder of the complex dynamics informing the transnational space of colonialism for both colonised and coloniser. In terms of the missionary effort to convert India to Christianity, even where such efforts reaped the reward of converts, "The process of conversion to Christianity .

Some writers reflecting on the continued low representation of women in management and non-traditional professions have posited a process of slow, long term change which will produce gender equality in the future as a result of recent changes of practice. This view (explicitly or implicitly) entails the notion of a 'pipeline' through which changes work their way through the system. This model is misleading. While equal employment opportunity initiatives may have a delayed impact, the pipeline fallacy obscures the need for active intervention in dynamic employment processes which continue to favour men over women. The pipeline fallacy diverts attention from systemic gender inequities to individual categories of blameworthy individuals. One example of 'the blamed' is older male employees who are sometimes portrayed as blocking the career entry or advancement of younger women. Attacks on this group of employees are often disguised attacks on conditions of employment. An examination of higher education employment data provides no evidence that male tenure blocks the opportunities of women although women continue to gain lower rewards in terms of tenure and seniority. The data suggest that the appointment and promotion practices which have favoured men are continuing.

In 1882, the South Australian Baptist Missionary Society sent off its rst missionaries to Faridpur in East Bengal. Miss Marie Gilbert and Miss Ellen Arnold were the rst of a stream of missionary women who left the young South Australian colony to work in India. Scores of women from other Christian denominations and from other Australian colonies also went to India and indeed to other mission elds in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As with other western women missionaries, these women intended to save souls and to bring India's daughters to Christ, often by means of medical work. But unlike their British sisters, these women came from the edge of empire to intervene in another, but different, colonial site. These missionary ventures coincided with efforts of the Australian settlers to elaborate for themselves an identity separate from and against that of the metropolitan centre. Within these debates, contestations over the meaning of 'the colonial girl' and 'the Australian girl' played a key role. The article explores why the women were drawn to India rather than to working with Aboriginal people in Australia. It begins to investigate how in seeking to reconstruct Indian womanhood they elaborated for themselves a separate colonial, Australian identity and how much in their missionary endeavours they af rmed an identity as white, Christian and ultimately British.In rethinking histories of empire, scholars have turned to explore the interrelationships between the metropole and the colony. Thus Catherine Hall has written of the need to understand the ways in which 'the histories of Britain and empire have been mutually dependent'. She comments:It was the colonial encounter that made both colonisers and colonised, all of whom are subjects of the erstwhile British empire, sharing a common history, all post-colonial subjects, made by the relations of empire, with identities constituted through different relations to colonial and imperial hierarchies of power. (Hall, 1995: 49)

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