OBJECTIVES: Food insecurity is an important public health problem facing children in the United States. Although a number of previous studies suggest that food insecurity has negative impacts on health, these studies have not dealt thoroughly with issues of selection bias. We use propensity scoring techniques to approximate the causal effects of food insecurity on children's health and health care use outcomes. METHODS: We use nationally representative data from the 2013-2016 waves of the National Health Interview Study (N = 29 341). Using inverse probability of treatment weighting, a propensity scoring method, we examine a broad range of child health outcomes and account for a comprehensive set of controls, focusing on a sample of children 2 to 17 years old. RESULTS: Household food insecurity was related to significantly worse general health, some acute and chronic health problems, and worse health care access, including forgone care and heightened emergency department use, for children. Compared to rates had they not been food insecure, children in food-insecure household had rates of lifetime asthma diagnosis and depressive symptoms that were 19.1% and 27.9% higher, rates of foregone medical care that were 179.8% higher, and rates of emergency department use that were 25.9% higher. No significant differences emerged for most communicable diseases, such as ear infections or chicken pox, or conditions that may develop more gradually, including anemia and diabetes. CONCLUSIONS: Policies used to reduce household food insecurity among children may also reduce children's chronic and acute health problems and health care needs.

The Social Survey Division of the Office for National Statistics on behalf of the Department of Health carried out a survey between 1994 and 1996 of infant feeding practices of mothers of Bangladeshi, Indian, or Pakistani origin living in England.1 A blood sample was taken during October-November 1996 from a subsample of children aged 2 years for analysis of iron and 25-hydroxycholecalciferol (vitamin D) concentrations. Details for iron concentration are published elsewhere.1 2 We here report the vitamin D concentration. Subjects, methods, and resultsVitamin D concentration was measured in 618 of the children. No evidence was found of bias influencing the selection of this subgroup, which seems to be representative of Asian children in England. The table shows serum 25-hydroxycholecalciferol concentrations for the three groups in comparison with data from the national diet and nutrition survey of preschool children.3 Between 20% and 34% of children in the three ethnic groups had values of vitamin D below 25 nmol/l, a value considered to indicate deficiency, 4 and 13-18% had values below 20 nmol/l; the percentages in the national survey were 1% and 0% respectively. Between 20% and 29% of children in the study had a haemoglobin concentration < 110 g/l.2 All children in the study were apparently healthy, and none had been diagnosed as having rickets. At the age of 2 about 25% of children were given the Department of Health's recommended vitamin drops, which contain vitamins A, C, and D. In the national survey less than 5% were given such drops. Multiple regression analysis showed for all groups that the concentration of vitamin D was associated with whether children were given vitamin supplements. In bivariate analysis, failure to take a vitamin supplement, a haemoglobin concentration of less than 110 g/l, and a ferritin value of less than 10 g/l were associated with vitamin D concentrations lower than 25 nmol/l. CommentRickets has been recognised as a problem in children of Asian immigrants since the 1960s, but, although the Stop Rickets campaign (which encouraged vitamin supplementation) seemed to decrease the incidence of rickets in some regions, no national evaluation of its effectiveness has been carried out. Our data suggest that matters have improved slightly in Bangladeshi and Indian children but not in Pakistani children. Serum vitamin D concentrations show a seasonal variation, with lowest values early in the year.3 Therefore the October values for these children are likely to drop further to those associated with rachitic bone changes in a higher proportion of children.Some confusion exists among healthcare professionals about the necessity for vitamin supplementation after the age of 1 year, although the Department of Health recommends supplements for all children up to the age of 5. Those working with ethnic minority groups must deliver a clear message that a vitamin D supplement is essential for all Asian children under 5.A high degree of association between iron deficiency anaemia and vitamin D defic...

Providing organised, community-based pram walking was not sufficient to increase overall physical activity levels among this group of postpartum women. The results suggest that the friendships formed in the pram walking group boosted mothers' satisfaction with social contact and possibly their mental health.

Haemoglobin and ferritin values were analysed in blood from 1057 children, aged 2 years, of Asian parents living in England. Children who had thalassaemia trait or a current/recent infection were excluded. Twenty nine per cent of Pakistani, 25% of Bangladeshi, and 20% of Indian children had haemoglobin < 110.0 g/l. The recent national diet and nutrition survey of preschool children found a prevalence of 12% of 2 year olds with haemoglobin < 110.0 g/l. No single factor accounted for more than a small proportion of the variance in haemoglobin and ferritin values, but the most significant factors that had a negative eVect on iron status included the amount of cows' milk consumed, the use of a baby bottle, and mother's place of birth being outside of the UK. Taking vitamin or iron supplements was positively associated with iron status in one or more of the three groups. (Arch Dis Child 1998;78:420-426)

In this paper I consider the performativity of racial identities and difference at a southern US high school. I utilize Butler's performativity theory along with geographic theories of race, racial difference, and racism to argue that teenage girls reinstate racial difference through their everyday spatial practices. The paper has two substantive sections in addition to the introduction and the conclusion. The first explores the segregated high school lunchroom. Here I examine two girls' narratives and suggest that these girls encounter the spatiality of racial difference in the lunchroom and repeat the practices of segregated sitting. Thus, they reinscribe racialized difference and identity through their spatial practices of sitting with same-race friends. The second substantive section focuses on girls' practices of identifying others' racial identities. In this section I argue that these identifications are spatialized and that racial difference and categorization are achieved through spatial policing and boundary making. Throughout the paper I argue that racial identity and racial difference are performative, but that performativity must account for the normative spatiality of social and racial practice.