Lack of health insurance is a serious problem in the United States. Using data from the 1996 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey, this paper examines how insurance varies between black, white, and Latino adults. Because Latino subgroups are not homogeneous, the paper also compares the factors associated with health insurance status for Mexican and Puerto Rican adults. Results indicate that access to private health insurance for Latino adults was more closely associated with workplace characteristics than employment itself. Time lived in the United States was a major factor associated with being uninsured for Mexican adults, while language barriers were a major factor limiting Puerto Rican individuals' access to private health insurance. The paper suggests two approaches for decreasing uninsurance among Latino adults: (1) strengthening the link between employment and private health insurance and (2) addressing disparities in access to public coverage for racial and ethnic groups, including recent immigrants.

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The adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly will mark its 70th anniversary on 10 December. One right enshrined in the UDHR is the right of everyone to “share in scientific advancement and its benefits.” In 1966, this right was incorporated into the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, a treaty to which 169 countries have voluntarily agreed to be bound. Unlike most other human rights, however, the right to science has never been legally defined and is often ignored in practice by the governments bound to implement it. An essential first step toward giving life to the right to science is for the UN to legally define it.

Social science research has long recognized the relevance of socioeconomic background for mobility and inequality. In this article we interrogate how and why working-class and first-generation backgrounds are especially meaningful and take as our case in point the professoriate and the discipline of sociology, – i.e., a field that intellectually prioritizes attention to group inequality and that arguably offers a conservative empirical test compared to other academic fields. Our analyses, which draw on unique survey items and open-ended qualitative materials from nearly 1,000 academic sociologists, reveal significant background divergences in academic job attainment, tied partly to educational background. Moreover, and especially unique and important, findings demonstrate significant consequences across several dimensions of inequality including compensation and economic precarity, professional visibility, and isolation at departmental, college or university, and professional levels. We conclude by highlighting how our discussion and results contribute in important ways to broader sociological concerns surrounding mobility, group disadvantage, and social closure.

Among all faculty members teaching in colleges and universities in the United States today, the proportion employed part-time has been increasing steadily and represents the fastest growing segment of the postsecondary faculty (Anderson 2002; Coalition on the Academic Workforce 2012). In 1975-1976, 31 percent of all faculty members were employed part-time; by 2011, they represented 51 percent (Curtis 2014). Looking within the parttime faculty, the distribution across institution types is far from even. In 2011, about 33 percent of faculty members in doctoral and research universities were employed part-time. At master's degree universities, that proportion was 55 percent. But in public colleges granting associate's degrees (community colleges), fully 70 percent of the faculty was employed part-time in 2011 (Curtis 2014). Community colleges enrolled some 45 percent of all undergraduates in 2014 (American Association of 654744T SOXXX10.