Social media have an increasingly important place in the lives of citizens, and their potential to expand the reach of communication messages beyond individual networks is attractive to those looking to maximise message efficiency. The influence of Facebook in Obama's 2008 campaign success galvanised many politicians into taking it seriously as a campaign tool. Our study explored the Facebook wall posts (1148 in total) of New Zealand Members of Parliament (MPs) leading up to the 2011 general election to determine posting behaviours and differences. Among other things, we found that women posted more frequently than men and that Labour MPs posted more than their National counterparts. Additionally, most politicians do not invite dialogue with readers of their posts, rarely get involved in comment threads and mostly take a monologic approach, using Facebook as a way of broadcasting information rather than as a medium enabling two-way flow. In other words, same old, same old.

The abiding interest of researchers to explore the nature of political communication continues to provoke lively debates about who controls the moveable feast of the news agenda -politicians or journalists. This article argues that despite journalistic claims of impartiality, a careful, multilayered analysis of print and broadcast news of a general election (New Zealand, 2008) and, more specifically, reportage about the leaders of the Labour Party (Helen Clark) and National Party (John Key) demonstrates clear bias against the long-serving (older female) incumbent in favour of the (younger male) challenger. This bias is manifest in several ways, including the visibility of the two leaders measured by column inches, their uses as quoted sources and the tone and tenor of reportage. Whilst we found few examples of explicitly sexist commentary, there were numerous ways in Clark's personal attributes, including her sex and age, were slyly used to undermine her continued suitability for the top job.A parliament composed wholly or mainly of women politicians is not a prospect to be regarded with enthusiasm. Were political office to become the ambition of the fair sex and were standing for Parliament to become the latest craze of fashion, there would be many dreary and neglected homes throughout the country sacrificed on the altar of political ambition. (Editorial, The

English Traditional forms of participation and consultation have been widely criticised as limited, but there is also resistance to expanding citizen involvement in decision making. This raises the question of how to achieve democratic legitimacy. New Zealand’s government is encouraging innovative deliberative techniques, including citizens’ juries, in local authority decision making. One very contentious experiment has dampened New Zealand’s enthusiasm for citizens’ juries. This article reviews that experience and makes some comparisons with Britain. It also reviews another initiative: a tribunal deciding whether to continue fluoridation of a municipal water supply. Finally, the article considers prospects for fostering more effective citizen engagement in community decisions in New Zealand.

he second most common cancer for women (after breast cancer) is can-T cer of the cervix,' with a mortality rate in New Zealand of approximately 100 women per year.' Although women over 45 years are more likely to be diagnosed with cervical cancer, the rate is increasing in women under 45 years3 Research has indicated that the rate of cervical cancer is significantly greater in Pacific women4 and also greater in non-European women generall~.~ There is little accurate information on the screening rates of Pacific women: though it is generally agreed that such rates are lower than for other New Zealand women. ' The New Zealand National Cervical Screening Programme Policy devised by the Ministry of HealthS has identified Pacific women as a priority group who require access to cervical screening information and services such as smear-taking.Screening is used to detect any abnormal cells in the cervix at the pre-invasive phases, where they can be treated and a 100% cure is possible.' Regular screening is thought to reduce the incidence of cervical cancer by 60-70%. ' The literature relating to cervical cancer appears to focus predominantly on the medical aspects ofthe disease, with little research examining how to communicate about cervical cancer awareness.Macdonald9 comments that much of the literature tends to focus on the physiological and technical aspects of the disease, examining such issues as cell appearance or the functioning of a screening program. While this focus is useful for gaining an insight into the dimensions, possible causes and treatments, it allows little understanding of how women perceive the disease and the effectiveness of the communication with womei about cervical cancer.This lack of understanding is particularly apparent where Pacific women are concerned. There appears to be a gap in the literature relating to Pacific women's understanding of cervical cancer and the most appropriate ways of communicating health information to that group. Two exceptions are the studies by the Ministry of HealthS and the Public Health Commission.6The importance of providing information in a format that is understandable and acceptable to the person requiring it was highlighted by Coney's discussion" of the Cervical Cancer inquiry at National Women's Hospital in 1987. She considers patients were blamed for not understanding the information provided by the hospital about the cervical screening program, rather than hospital personnel seeing themselves as required to examine the effectiveness with which they communicated the information.The high Pacific population of the National Women's Hospital catchment area meant that cross-cultural communication was a necessity. The fact that no interpreters were employed during the period prior to the inquiry resulted in hospital domestic staff, relatives and other patients being used as translators. Coney reasons this led to an embarrassing situation, where women had to ask intimate questions through an untrained interpreter. The risk of misinterpretation was signific...

Social media are increasingly entrenched in politicians’ campaigning. Yet even as they become more ubiquitous, evidence suggests widely used platforms normalize rather than equalize the existing power dynamics of the political landscape. Our study of New Zealand’s 2017 general election uses a mixed-method approach including analysis of five Party Leaders’ (PLs) public Facebook wall posts, campaign coverage in four newspapers and interviews with Party workers and MPs. Our findings show PLs seldom interact with citizens and mostly use posts to promote campaign information. Citizens are more likely to ‘like’ a PL’s post than share or comment and there are important divergences between Party and media agendas. These findings demonstrate not only the importance of social media for Parties’ attempts to control messaging and disrupt journalistic interference, but also highlight that neither Parties nor citizens seem much invested in dialogue. However, understanding which posts excite citizen engagement may help all Parties more effectively promote participatory democracy globally.