This paper discusses whether capacity to license an internal argument and eventivity are default properties of so-called change-of-state verbs.I draw attention to the claim that, in certain languages, the causative-inchoative alternation extends to a third, external-argument-only variant with stative behavior. Productivity and systematicity raise a host of problems for current generalizations on the Causative Alternation and change-of-state verbs for various reasons, starting from the long-held claim that unique arguments of change-of-state verbs are by default internal. Insofar as the causative component is independently realized in a noneventive, nonepisodic frame, this variant challenges (a) a widely agreed rule of event composition, whereby cause, if present, causally implicates process; (b) the claim that cause(r) interpretation of the external argument is a byproduct of transitivization. The present discussion: (a) brings out a crosslanguage contrast bearing on default (cause/undergoer) interpretation of unique arguments in equipollent alternations; (b) provides new empirical data supporting the stativity of the (causative) outer v head; (c) substantiates important predictions in the literature (e.g. that verbs of causation should have stative readings; that external-argument-only variants of Object-Experiencer verbs should be found); (d) captures further verb classes allowing the alternation; and (e) shows crucial contrasts with other transitive-(in/a)transitive alternations involving null/arb objects. Aspect and determination of different (a)atransitivity alternations are central throughout.

-ear has become a highly productive option in denominal verb formation in Spanish. The unparalleled productivity and range of verb classes obtained invites us to revisit fundamental questions on verb formation and interpretation: e.g., which domain (lexical/syntactic/semantic) primarily drives and constrains denominal verb use and interpretation, which verb types are possible, whether or not a canonical use constraint can correctly predict and capture the role of the root in verb meaning, as assumed in mainstream accounts. Based on analytical and (preliminary) experimental data, we consider syntactic and semantic (aspectual) behavior of denominal verbs, including both traditional and novel verbs with -ear. We observe that: (i) productive types include verb classes untapped in the existent literature; (ii) the range of verb classes obtained coincides with a significant range of possible interpretations and uses, suggesting that a ‘same’ verb (lexical and morphotactic composition) can be associated with distinct structural configurations; (iii) the interpretation is highly sensitive to the grammatical context. We argue that (i) verb meaning and behavior are not deterministically driven by one (e.g., lexical/conceptual) domain but rather in interaction; (ii) syntax plays a nontrivial role in verb meaning/interpretation; (iii) non-univocity arises as a distinctive property of ear verbs.

El presente estudio propone considerar al adverbio como indicador de diferencias estructurales en las categorías complementadas. Una perspectiva construccionista no derivacional, con una articulación estructural en la que el V se desagrega máximamente, permite identificar variables definidas en la formación del verbo, a través de las distintas relaciones predicativas establecidas entre la propiedad designada por la raíz léxica y los argumentos verbales. Se distinguen cuatro clases naturales según la función semántico-sintáctica de Adv, con dos subtipos determinados en relación a la predicación secundaria. Estos casos se definen con respecto a una instancia en la cual Adv no establece una relación semántica equiparable, sea identificando una alternativa de participación sintáctica (aplicativo alto), sea marcando contrastes relativos al nivel eventivo (vP). Las preocupaciones centrales pasan por (i) el aporte semántico de la raíz léxica; (ii) las variables semánticas determinadas por la configuración sintáctica donde se ubica la raíz; (iii) cierta (potencial) restricción extragramatical

This contribution challenges the claim that internal arguments are stable/constant arguments in the causative-inchoative alternation. It presents evidence that a third (external-argument-only) variant, produced by the standard combinatorial system, is possible (and systematic) in Romance and Greek. Free composition with a null causative v 0 independent of the internal-argument-licensing head: explains all the hallmarks of monadic (intransitive) variants; correctly preserves event/argument structure correlation (no internal-argument-introducing head, no change-of-state event); uncovers crosslanguage contrasts concerning ±availability of cause(r) interpretation of sole arguments in equipollent derivations. My argument is supported by a parallel with non-Romance languages with comparable morphology (Greek). Such symmetries show a transparent morpho-semantic-syntactic correlation in the choice of argument frame, extending to other verb classes with transitivity alternation. Greek and Romance data support a (a) wider causative alternation with expected semantic/syntactic/morphological implications; (b) (missing) structural distinction among (in)transitivity alternations. Arguably, languages may differ in the availability of this option, showing at least two patterns of variation.