ObjectiveThe aim of this study is to evaluate trends in past-year gambling participation and gambling severity among Finnish men and women from 2007 to 2015.DesignCross-sectional population surveys from years 2007, 2011 and 2015.SettingData were drawn from the population register and collected using computer-assisted telephone interviews.ParticipantsRepresentative random samples of Finns aged 15–74 were drawn in the study in 2007 (n=5008), 2011 (n=4484) and 2015 (n=4515) with response rates of 58%, 40% and 62%, respectively.Outcome measuresThe outcome measures were gambling versatility, type of games, gambling intensity and gambling severity. Significance (p) between time points was determined using χ2 tests. All temporal comparisons between 2007–2011, 2011–2015 and 2007–2015 were performed separately for all respondents aged 15–74 and for women and men.ResultsGambling participation overall showed a rising trend (6.6 percentage points, 95% CI 4.9 to 8.3) from 2007 to 2015. In 2007–2011 women’s gambling participation increased more (7.8 percentage points, 95% CI 5.5 to 10.4) than men’s (5.4 percentage points, 95% CI 3.2 to 7.6). The most popular game types since 2007 have been lottery games, scratch cards and electronic gaming machines (EGMs). EGM gambling, on the other hand, has decreased since 2007. Online gambling has increased significantly from 2007 to 2015 in both genders. Men’s at-risk gambling decreased from 2007 to 2011, while women’s at-risk gambling and problem gambling increased from 2011 to 2015.ConclusionsWomen’s increasing gambling participation is causing gender differences in gambling behaviour to narrow. The article concludes with a discussion of the need for gender-specific interventions aimed at preventing gambling-related harm and ultimately at protecting the most vulnerable groups.

Background Electronic gambling machines (EGMs) are considered a risky form of gambling. Internationally, studies have reported that the density of EGMs tends to be higher in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas than in more advantaged ones. We examined whether this holds true in the Finnish context where a decentralised system of EGMs guarantees wide accessibility to this form of gambling. More precisely, we investigated the association between the density of EGMs and area-level socio-economic status (SES). Methods The primary measure was the EGM density, referring to the number of EGMs per 1000 adults. The area-level SES was defined on the basis of the median income of inhabitants, the proportion of unemployment in the area and educational attainment (% of those beyond primary education). Three additional area characteristics were used as control variables in the analyses; the overall population density, economic activity (the number of jobs in the area per employed inhabitant), and the mean age of the inhabitants. Analyses were based on linear regression. Results The EGM density was 3.68 per 1000 inhabitants ( SD = 2.63 ). A lower area-level SES was correlated with a higher EGM density. In further analyses, this effect was mostly explained by the income of the inhabitants. Of the control variables, the population density had no detectable effect on the EGM density while areas with a higher mean age of the inhabitants, as well a higher density of jobs, had more EGMs. Conclusions EGMs are unequally located in Finland, with more EGMs located in socio-economically less advantaged areas. The higher machine density in areas of social disadvantage is not in line with the aim of the Finnish gambling policy, which is to prevent and reduce harm caused by gambling. Changes in policy are required, especially with regard to the decisions on the placement of EGMs. This should not be made solely by gaming operators and/or from fiscal perspectives.

The objective of this article is to understand problem gamblers’ experiences of recovery from financial difficulties caused by problem gambling. Specifically, financial social assistance from public services is considered. A sample of 17 interviews with Finnish self-identified, treatment-seeking problem gamblers from various financial positions was analyzed qualitatively using thematic content analysis. The analysis revealed four themes. The first theme examines how the financial concerns of problem gamblers were left unaddressed by treatment professionals. The second theme discusses the rationalizations behind not applying for or not receiving financial social assistance from public services. The reasons behind not applying for financial social assistance were related to financial stability and perceived pride derived from surviving independently (loss of pride when not being able to survive independently). Not receiving assistance despite applying for it was mostly because of their income having been assessed as adequate by the social services. Third theme examines receiving financial social assistance during, or after, problematic gambling. Participants living on welfare often spent their benefits on gambling in the hopes of an increased income. Recovering lower-income problem gamblers also received financial social assistance for living expenses or for treatment. Fourth, non-governmental and more controlling forms of financial support were (1) financial assistance within private safety nets, (2) support for over-indebtedness from an NGO, or (3) private person/official authority taking control over problem gamblers’ financial matters. The socio-economic background factors are important to address when designing financial and other support for problem gamblers. The results of this study provide useful information for future survey studies of the topic.Dans cet article, on cherche à comprendre le vécu des joueurs pathologiques qui ont dû surmonter des problèmes d’argent en raison du jeu compulsif. Plus particulièrement, on s’est intéressé à l’aide sociale financière offerte par les services publics. Un échantillon de 17 entrevues avec des Finlandais s’étant déclarés joueurs pathologiques à la recherche d’un traitement et se trouvant dans différentes situations financières a été étudié qualitativement à partir d’une analyse du contenu thématique. De cette analyse, quatre thèmes ont été dégagés. Le premier porte sur la façon dont les fournisseurs de traitement n’ont pas tenu compte des soucis matériels des joueurs pathologiques. Le deuxième parle des arguments avancés pour ne pas avoir demandé ou reçu d’aide sociale financière des services publics. Les raisons s’opposant à la présentation d’une telle demande avaient trait à la stabilité financière et à la fierté ressentie au fait d’assurer seul sa survie. Dans la plupart des cas, les personnes qui n’avaient pas reçu d’aide même après avoir fait une demande pour en obtenir disposaient d’un revenu que les services sociaux jugeaient adéquat. Le troisième aborde l’aide sociale financière qui a été reçue durant ou après les problèmes de jeu. Les participants vivant de l’aide sociale dépensaient souvent leurs prestations au jeu dans l’espoir d’augmenter leur revenu. Les joueurs pathologiques en voie de guérison dont le revenu était plus faible ont également reçu de l’aide sociale financière pour leurs dépenses courantes ou pour leur traitement. Le quatrième traite des formes de soutien monétaire non gouvernementales et plus contrôlantes, notamment (1) l’aide financière dans le cadre de filets de sécurité privés, (2) l’aide fournie par une organisation non gouvernementale pour le surendettement ou (3) un particulier ou une autorité officielle qui prend en main les problèmes d’argent des joueurs pathologiques. Il est important d’examiner les facteurs en matière de contexte socioéconomique au moment de concevoir des mécanismes de soutien financier ou autres pour les joueurs pathologiques. Les résultats de cette étude fournissent des renseignements utiles pour de futures études par sondage sur ce sujet.

Aim: Money is an essential element in gambling but gambling disorders are more often discussed from the perspective of individual and psychological experiences than in the context of financial practices. Losing money is often among the first signs of problem gambling as well as being a motive for treatment-seeking. This article asks: what kinds of practices and meanings do problem gamblers assign to money in their everyday lives? Design: The data consist of 17 individual interviews with problem gamblers in Finland. The participants form a heterogeneous group of people with different financial backgrounds. Their discourses on money are systematically organised into a structured qualitative content analysis. Results: The results reveal four main conceptual traits of money as an everyday gambling-related problem: (1) a compelling need for money; (2) disposable money defining the tempo of gambling; (3) the balance between using money for gambling and spending it on other matters of everyday life; and (4) gradual spiral of increased money-related problems. Conclusions: Problem gambling re-organises the uses and sources of money in everyday life, and changes the meanings of money. Nevertheless, gambling spending does not seem to be utterly out of control, rather, on one hand, disposable income organises spending episodically, and on the other hand, problem gamblers exercise a certain degree of control over their household expenses. This observation could promote problem gamblers’ sense of control when recovering.this page for more information about identifying these."-->

Background and aims Online interventions for problem gambling are increasingly popular, but not everyone benefits from them. We describe 12 years of real-world data from an online intervention for gambling problems and aim to find out the extent to which depression, alcohol use, and sense of financial control influence the effectiveness of the program. Methods We analyzed treatment effectiveness and moderators in the Finnish “Peli Poikki” program (2007–2018)—an 8-week cognitive behavioral therapy and follow-up program for problem gambling. Participants were Finnish-speaking adults over 18 years of age (N = 2011, 66.9% males). We measured the self-reported level of problem gambling, depression, alcohol use, and sense of financial control across four treatment phases (baseline, post-treatment, 6-month follow-up, and 12-month follow-up), as well as the presence of gambling debt, psychological and physiological health, years suffered from gambling problems, and demographic variables. Results Participation grew across years with retention rates of 55%, 30%, and 19% for post-treatment and the two follow-ups, respectively. The average problem gambling scores declined significantly following treatment and remained low throughout the follow-ups. However, this decline (the beneficial treatment effect) was reversed after the follow-ups for those with high depression scores and those who felt they had no control over their finances. Discussion and Conclusions The Peli Poikki program is a well-functioning online intervention but less effective in the long term for participants with persisting symptoms of depression or without a sense of financial control. More attention is needed to screen and direct people with comorbidities to the appropriate services.