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Although European contact with Ghana dates back to the second half of the fifteenth century (1471), it was in the closing decades of the nineteenth century that the northern part of the country had its first European visitor. This was M. J. Bonnat, a French trader, in 1876. Until then, much of European activity was limited to the southern part of the country. As the next century began following this historic visit, the present geographical location of modern Ghana was formerly declared and recognized as a British colony (January 1, 1902). Unlike the South of the Gold Coast, the North was not seen to have any natural resources to bolster the colonial economy. For the entire colonial period, therefore, the most significant benefit to be derived from the North by the colonial government was human labor. This had serious implications for north–south migration in the country. It necessitated the movement of people southwards to satisfy colonial labor needs. The early decades of the twentieth century marked a system of forced migration of only males from the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast to the south (from about 1906 to 1927). Segregation of families, exposure to the vagaries of the weather, disease and death were some of the immediate consequences resulting from the forced migration. For the rest of the colonial period, migration southwards became increasingly voluntary and women were gradually drawn into the migration process. To what extent has this early form of migration affected contemporary outmigration patterns and development in Northern Ghana? This article examines the dynamics that were involved in the forced labor recruitment and the impact arising out of this.

Cocoa production has been a major source of income and revenue to many citizens and the governor of Ghana respectively through time. Historically, although attributed to Tetteh Quarshie, records have shown that prior to Tetteh Quarshie’s achievement, the Dutch and Basel Missionaries had experimented with the crop in the Gold Coast. Since its introduction in the country, cocoa production has expanded and spread across all the regions in Ghana. The production of cocoa has affected every facet of development in the country since its inception and has once led Ghana to be world’s major exporter of the beans. Cocoa production in Ghana has gone beyond its agricultural and economic significance with its impacts felt across socio-cultural, religious and political life of Ghanaians. That notwithstanding, scholars have made partial effort at addressing the impact of cocoa production among Ghanaians between 1879 and 1976. Using a qualitative approach rooted in both primary and secondary sources, the current study sought to address the gap aforementioned by tracing the relationship between cocoa production and economics, politics and social-religious practices among Ghanaian between 1879 and 1976. Findings from the discourse revealed that though an agricultural product, cocoa can no longer be said to belong to that sphere alone. The product and its associated gains have permeated the entire life of Ghanaians since its inception.

Prejudices bothering on ethnicity is one of the colonial legacies in Africa. The European colonisers have been held responsible for separating groups which were once together, and also, for raising or developing one group above others, and for these actions, have been blamed for some of the ethnic conflicts the continent is grappling with in modern times. Other groups had also been perceived in certain negative terms, and these still linger on, and have become labels on them, the Asante ethnic group in Ghana being a typical example. It can be observed from the political, religious, economic and socio-cultural spheres in the colonial era, that the Asante people were largely depicted more in negative terms vs-a-vis the other ethnic groups in the country. Terms such as warlike, quarrelsome, aggressive, and bloodthirsty, just to mention a few were used to describe them. Were these accurate descriptions of the Asante people, or mere exaggerations? What were some of the underlying reasons for this stand by the Europeans regarding the Asante? These colonial perceptions need to be critically re-examined, re-assessed, and if need be, corrected.

Societies that have accepted Islam have blended their native culture with what was, rightly and wrongly, linked to Islam. Here, we present an example of this combination concerning traditional healing processes in Muslim societies. Focusing on the Aboabo community, we did an ethnographic study of healing processes and rites used by healers and further discussed the rites, practices, contributions and challenges of Muslim traditional healing in the community. Based on a qualitative research approach, the current study uses both theories of diffusionism and syncretism and empirical evidence to highlight the mode of treating some diseases using medicinal plants and rituals including prayers and Qur‟an verses recommended in ancient narrations received from earlier Muslim societies (particularly Arab societies). Although Muslim traditional healers are nearly disappearing from many contemporary Muslim societies, the continuation of their presence in some societies such as Aboabo is partly related to the standard of living of the people. The know-how of these healers is mainly limited to their native traditions, some principles of Islam and related questionable narrations. The activities of Muslim traditional practice have remained archaic, often questionable and/or unhygienic despite Islam‟s exhortation of its believers to respect, among other things, cleanliness and hygiene, and especially to increasingly develop their knowledge in major areas such as those concerning medicine and anthropology. Finally, we realized that although the idea of modernization of Muslim traditional healing in Ghana is expressed in some local discourses, it remains at the periphery. Keyword: Muslim, Islam, Aboabo community, Healing, Muslim healers, Traditional Medicine, Cultures