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BackgroundWe investigated the comparability of Complete Decongestive Therapy (CDT) including manual lymphatic drainage (MLD) vs. without MLD in the management of arm lymphoedema in patients with breast cancer.MethodsPatients randomised into either treatment including MLD (T+MLD) or treatment without MLD (T−MLD) received treatment 2×weekly for 4 weeks. The primary outcome was the volume reduction (%) of arm lymphoedema at 7-month follow-up. The secondary outcomes were volume reduction after the end of treatment, circumference of the arm, patient experience of heaviness and tension, and health status.ResultsDespite difficulties enrolling the planned number of patients (160), 77 were randomised and 73 (38 in T+MLD, 35 in T−MLD) completed the trial. In both groups, the volume of lymphoedema decreased significantly, with no difference between groups (1.0% [95% CI, −4.3;2.3%]): the precision in the 95% confidence interval indicates that the efficacy was comparable; the mean (SE) changes at month 7 were −6.8%(1.2) and −5.7% (1.2) in the T+MLD and T−MLD, respectively. There were no statistically significant differences with respect to any of the secondary outcomes. The results were robust and the conclusion was not sensitive even to various alternative assumptions or analytic approaches to data analysis.ConclusionManual lymphatic drainage adds no further volume reduction in breast cancer patients.

We present data on the proportions and seniority of female and male political scientists working in the UK. Comparing the results with previous research from 2011, we find that progress has been made. However, progress has been incremental and we find no qualitative changes in the status of female political scientists: they continue to be outnumbered by their male counterparts; they are overrepresented in the least senior job groups and underrepresented in the most senior; and the average female political scientist occupies a less senior position than the average male counterpart. We also run regression analyses to explore the impact of broader contextual factors on the proportion of female political scientists within a unit and that unit’s ‘gender seniority gap’. We find evidence that gender equality kitemarks, university mission group membership, the gender of the Head of Unit and Vice-Chancellor and the proportion of female members of university governance bodies appear to matter for one or both of these measures but not always in the direction that might be expected. These results, then, raise questions about what strategies might be pursued by those who wish to improve the status of women in the profession.