The article deals with the unease we experience during various commissioned research projects. On the one hand, as social scientists, we feel committed to conducting ‘good research’ that acknowledges quality criteria such as flexibility and transparency and in particular allows for musing and reflexivity to ‘discover’ new aspects of our research topic. On the other hand, we are situated in the context of present-day neoliberal academia. This means that our work is assessed according to a culture of audit characteristic for neoliberal management of universities that values publication indexes and fundamental research. At the same time, universities strive increasingly for third-party funding that favors commissioned research. This article discusses how commissioned research conditions our evaluations and research practice and how these conditions might conflict with the ‘good research’ we hope to conduct.

Migration scholars often assume a close association between transnational social practices and transcultural forms of belonging. Nonetheless, we argue that the distinction of both concepts is analytically important and helpful in understanding the transnational lives of second‐generation migrants. To analyse the biographical accounts and network maps of second‐generation Spaniards living in Switzerland, we draw a theoretical distinction between social practice (transnational networks) and forms of belonging (transcultural belonging). Our analysis shows second‐generation migrants maintaining social networks over time, interrupting them, or reconnecting with them. Their sense of belonging may either endure or fade. Although the interconnection between social networks and the sense of belonging is neither straightforward nor causal, we can nevertheless identify five types of network/belonging combinations. These types describe the various ways in which second‐generation migrants are likely to articulate transnational networks and transcultural belonging in their lives.

In this article, we analyse two parallel processes taking place in the Swiss healthcare sector, namely differentiation and standardisation: On one hand, the health sector is increasingly characterised by differentiation that originates from the specialisation of training, the differentiation and academisation of nursing, the feminisation of medicine, the migration of healthcare personnel, and the entry of men into nursing professions. In addition, a new generation joining the health sector labour force is challenging taken-forgranted notions about health professions. On the other hand, healthcare organisations such as hospitals need to ensure they are functioning well by increasingly relying on standardisation processes such as checklists, standardised protocols, or ethical guidelines. For this paper, we have conducted an institutional ethnography of a Swiss acute hospital by employing an intersectional analysis. Based on interviews and shadowing, we argue that the social differences between and among nurses and physicians are constantly negotiated every day. We demonstrate that those differences lead to power imbalances along the intersectional axes of age, gender, place of education, and professional position. Our findings have implications for general debates in health-related fields; for management and organizational studies more in general; and in particular for feminist labour geographies, as they place debates on workrelations, power, hierarchy, and intersectional social differences into a specific organizational and spatial context.

Focusing on two main aspects of the Spanish-Galician migration experience, this article attempts to analyze how migrants' actions and discourses are shaped by notions of gender. First, the discourse of returning will question notions of family and how differently men and women define their positions as members of a family. While men seem to link their social identity to immovable goods of prestige back in Galicia, women are able to redefine their social identity as they base it on social relations. The second aspect deals with the fact that cleaning is defined as women's work, but at the same time it is -under certain conditions -performed by men.Since the 1370s feminist migration research has evolved from the subject of the trade in women to women's migration, as Elisabeth Aufhauser (2000) states in her overview article. While some research focuses on symmetries between male and female migration -for instance women's networks as a parallel to the networks of male emigrants and kin -others highlight the specificity of female migration -for instance the emancipatory aspect of migration or the topic of sex-workers. In a first phase of any gender-sensitive science, the task of reinstating women prevails. Therefore most of the early studies in feminist migration research follow a 'compensatory' approach (Prodolliet, 1999:28). Primarily, women are written back into migration history; their part and actions in the migratory process need to be documented. This leads to studies giving a more general overview on female migration (Phizaklea, 1983;Morokvasic, 1984; Chant, 1992). In a second phase, the female standpoint is applied to analyze specific female aspects of migration. For instance, the different articles in the volume edited by Rita Simon and Caroline Brettell (1986) explore the female experience following a 'contributive' (Prodolliet, 1999:29) approach. Gender therefore becomes a 0 2004 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved.

Abstract. Against the background of emotional geographies, I analyse negotiations of belonging and experiences of difference. Emotions serve as the analytical lens through which these negotiations and experiences are analysed. Based on this notion, I will analyse migrants' accounts with respect to their emotional qualities and spatial articulations. In particular, I will focus on emotional accounts, such as childhood stories and other biographical stories, which are spatially situated. The emotional focus serves thereby as a lens to capture migrants' identification with the social norms and values inscribed and mediated through these spaces. These emotional accounts help us to understand complex stories about social positioning along different axes of difference, complex ways of identification, and resistance to social role models.