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Objectives: To collect and analyse published and unpublished surveillance and research data on the prevalence of same sex sexual activity among male adults (including male-to-female transgenders and sex workers) in low and middle income countries. Methods: Key indicators were operationalised (ever sex with a man, sex with a man last year, high risk sex last year (as defined by unprotected anal sex or commercial sex)) and a database was designed for data collection. Searches were conducted (PubMed, databases (US Census Bureau, World Bank, conferences)) and regional informants helped. Reference reports were used to assess the methodology and quality of information in each record. The best data available per region were identified and indicator estimates were used to propose regional range estimates. Results: Of 561 studies on male sexual behaviour and/or MSM population characteristics, 67 addressed prevalence of sex between men, with diverse numbers per region and virtual unavailability in sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East/North Africa, and the English speaking Caribbean. Overall, data on lifetime prevalence of sex with men (among males) yielded figures of 3-5% for East Asia, 6-12% for South and South East Asia, 6-15% for Eastern Europe, and 6-20% for Latin America. Last year figures were approximately half of lifetime figures, and prevalence of high risk sex among MSM last year was approximately 40-60% in all regions except South Asia, where it is 70-90%. Conclusions: Data available on the prevalence of male same sex sexual activity across regions are scarce (non-existent in some areas), with validity and comparability problems. In South and South East Asia, Eastern Europe, and Latin America, a lifetime prevalence of 6-20% was estimated, with smaller figures in East Asia. A cross cultural analysis of terminology and practices is needed, as is continued work on epidemiological and social analysis of male-male sexual practices in societies across regions. D ata on HIV transmission through sex between men, and on the incidence and prevalence of HIV and other STIs among men who have sex with men (MSM), are very poor in most of the developing world, perhaps with the exception of Latin America.1 The most glaring data gaps are in Africa, Central Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Middle East. Even in South and South East Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, where relatively more information is available, the contribution to the HIV/AIDS epidemic of male same sex sexual behaviour is not fully appreciated, in part due to either a lack of data or lack of analysis of the available data. A limited number of more detailed recent epidemiological studies have shown that both prevalence of same sex behaviour and prevalence of HIV among MSM are higher than previously thought.2 3 In regions where HIV prevalence among MSM is known to be high since the beginning of the epidemic (for example, in urban centres of Latin America), data show that HIV prevalence still remains very high among MSM, even though the epidemic has expanded to other...

In October 2012, a new law was approved in Uruguay that allows abortion on demand during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, 14 weeks in the case of rape, and without a time limit when the woman's health is at risk or in the case of foetal anomalies. This paper analyses this legal reform. It is based on 27 individual and group interviews with key informants, and on review of primary documents and the literature. The factors explaining the reform include: secular values in society, favourable public opinion, a persistent feminist movement, effective coalition building, particular party politics, and a vocal public health sector. The content of the new law reflects the tensions between a feminist perspective of women's rights and public health arguments that stop short of fully recognizing women's autonomy. The Uruguayan reform shows that, even in Latin America, abortion can be addressed politically without electoral cost to the parties that promote it. On the other hand, the prevailing public health rationale and conditionalities built into the law during the negotiation process resulted in a law that cannot be interpreted as a full recognition of women's rights, but rather as a modified protectionist approach that circumscribes women's autonomy.